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Revista de Sociologia e Política
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ISSN: 0104-4478 ISSN electrónico: 1678-9873
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Sociología
Universidade Federal do Paraná
Brasil

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en: This work analyses the lexicon “emerging” in its appropriation as a category of International Relations. It is aimed to delimit a conceptual prototype of term from the connotative spectrum arisen from its denotation of international political subjects. The conceptual prototype of an “Emergent” is delimitated from the analysis of the “conceptual stretching” resulting from the “conceptual travelling” during its appropriation by International Relations. The analyses are constituted of three steps. At first, it is observed the semantic transformations of the lexicon in its original literature, in the light of the underlying historicity of the process. This appropriation is measured through the study of the term frequency of reference in seventeen editorial databases. The ending stage is consisted of labeling “family resemblances” in all publications qualified as A1 and A2 in the Qualis CAPES system that uses the lexicon “Emerging Market”, “Emerging Country” and “Emerging Power”. The analysis reveals that the transformation in the referents of the term “Emerging Markets” bequeath a political meaning for the qualifier, conducting itself to denotate International Relations phenomena. This process is correlated to an expansion of the references to the lexicon in academic journals on the matter. Acknowledging that, the conceptual prototype set the attributes of its essablished use. The work intends to contribute to the concept formation by systematizing its “State of Art” in International Relations. The connotative spectrum of the purposed conceptual prototype is expected to be theoretically hierarchized in further efforts.>>>
André Moreira Cunha
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Lucas de Oliveira Paes
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Pedro Cezar Dutra Fonseca
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en: The participation of the Mercosur Parliament (Parlasur) in the regional decision-making is legally restricted. Parlasur’s attributions are limited and include, for instance, the elaboration of bills and recommendations to be sent to superior organs. This paper analyses if and in which manner Parlasur uses these competences to influence regional decisions. We argue that there are formal and informal mechanisms which, even limited, would allow Parlasur to intervene in the debates which take place within decisional organs. In order to evaluate wheter agenda-setting is a parliamentary power in Mercosur and if it is effective, we proceed to a quali-quantitative analysis of the recommendations sent by Parlasur to the Common Market Council (CMC). After establishing a typology of the recommendations sent by Parlasur to CMC between 2007 and 2010, we evaluate CMC’s response rate (quantitatively) and CMC’s manifestations on Parlasur’s positions (qualitatively). We also compare CMC’s and Parlasur’s agendas in order to identify eventual superposition or coincidence of issues. Conclusions point out to a systematic lack of consideration of parliamentary initiatives which aim at keeping the monopole of Executive Powers in the regional arena. CMC only “acknowledges receipt” of the great majority of recommendations sent by Parlasur and has approved less than 5% of them. There is a very weak match of issues between the agendas of both organs, showing that topics discussed by Parlasur are rarely transformed into Mercosur rules. Results confirm the lack of influence of actors other than Executive Powers in the decision-making of Mercosur. The article points out the mechanisms that have been used to prevent the legislative branch to be considered in regional decisions. If members of Parliament are aware of them, they may press executive organs to formulate better responses, which may engender a different role for parliaments in foreign policy matters.>>>
Clarissa Franzoi Dri
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Maria Eduarda Paiva
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en: Brazilian federal government has experienced institutional arrangements which aims to build effective public policies in a complex territorial context. In them there are two axes: the attempt to intersectoral thematic and building models of public policy management with coordination among federal agencies and civil society to articulate. This article examines how new institutional arrangements consider the role of territories. The analysis is structured around two central questions: a) what is the centrality given to the concept of territory and to what extent it plays an active or passive role in the design of the arrangement; b) factors that could explain the contours of institutional arrangement and how the territorial dimension is embodied in them. The article analyzes three arrangements: Brazil Without Poverty Plan; Accelerated Growth Program; Territories of Citizenship Program. The analyzes based on official documents of the programs aim to understand, from their operating structure, such as intersectoral issues occur, federal relations and design territory. Analyzing programs, one realizes that, although in varying degrees, there are more juxtaposition than integration of public policies, and the territories in them - understood as the locus of implementation of policies and social forces acting on it - do not occupy an active position, revealing mere repositories of investments. As a consequence, this weakness observed in both double integration as desired territorial articulation, is something that results in loss of efficiency of investment and commitment of the results. These limits are due largely to the weight of sectoral culture that permeates the managers and the behavior of social forces, associated with an institutional culture of privilege of results achievable in the short term. These aspects, in turn, are realized both in regulations governing arrangements and the range of actors involved. In theoretical terms this hypothesis departs from the analyzes that merely takes the arrangements under the administrative or management angle and approaches the institutionalist approaches, for which you can not analyze the institutional arrangements isolated from the institutional environment which are at once part and expression.>>>
Arilson Favareto
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en: This article analyzes the political action o f business interest groups throughout the process of food propaganda regulation triggered by the National Health Surveillance Agency (Anvisa) in 2005. The main objectives were to describe the strategies and political articulations of these groups in order to assess whether it s action has been successful in minimizing or overturning the controversial and conflicting regulation proposed by the agency, which effects would affect directly private sector activities. The study enclosed a detailed follow-up of each stage of the decision-making process, seeking to observe which political arenas are activated by these groups in order to accomplish its goals. For the conduction of this research, we have done a comprehensive examination of the documents related to the proposed regulation, which were produced by the three branches of government and the interest groups, and in-depth interviews with the main political players involved in this issue. The analysis made clear that business groups, reflecting their distinct political and economic resources, have access to many political arenas, such as Anvisa, National Congress, Judiciary and the Attorney General, which was a decisive actor in the political process herein studied. We also found evidences that the pressure exerted by business groups was able to mitigate, to a large extent, Anvisa’s regulation, as the rule was considerably altered from the public comment period in 2006 until its promulgation in 2010. Nevertheless, we were able to observe that, despite the irresistible economic power of the two affected sectors, food and advertising industry, its political action was not able to prevent Anvisa from promulgating in 2010 a softer version of the regulation, which shows us the relative political autonomy of the agency. Finally, alterations in the structure and in the command of Anvisa in 2012, which are aligned with business interests, indicate deeper changes in the agency, which seem to have redefined the very bases of the relationship with businessmen.>>>
Marcello Fragano Baird
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en: This paper analyzes indicators of social intolerance in Europe. The aims are to test moderation effects between individual and contextual indicators in a multilevel regression model. The data consists in the results of the 2008 wave of the European Value Studies. The hypotheses were tested using HLM software. It was confirmed the existence of two moderating effects: between the feeling of threat and the dimension of the habitat; and between the longevity and the support for democracy. Although the theme of social tolerance has been widely studied, few works had study this phenomenon using multilevel analysis, and is still smaller number of studies that tested moderation effects. It is suggested the search for new effects of moderation on social intolerance predictor models.>>>
en: The paper presents and analyzes the key policies for the private sector of higher education adopted by the government of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003/ 2010). From a historical retrospective and an analysis of their implementation, policies are considered through acritical review of the literature and official data. The work seeks to demonstrate that, despite the quite distinct policies for the public sector if compared with the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, in the case of the private sector, there is rather a deepening of policy options already developed during the Cardoso government. These options translate into actions to encourage the development of the private sector, to the extent that the financing of this expanded and consolidated legal framework that provided legal certainty to sponsors. This promotion, however, was accompanied by a significant increase and improvement of the mechanisms of control over the growth of the private sector. The result was a fall in the growth of the private sector, even though it has remained at a fairly high level.>>>
en: How has the literature been analyzing the Executive Branch in the different political regimes? From the basic institutional difference between presidentialism and parliamentarism we can identify two sets of major contributions to the understanding of the functioning of the Executive in democracies: the literature on the American presidency and discussions about coalition governments in European parliamentarianism. What these two sets of theories have in common is a concern with intra-executive politics. This literature is analyzed, identifying key issues, institutions, behaviors and emphasized variables. As a result we have the systematization and comparison of the main arguments about the internal workings of the Executive not only in presidentialism and parliamentarism, but also the contribution to the explanation of the specific case of coalition presidentialism.>>>
Mariana Batista
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Sistema de Información Científica Redalyc
Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal
Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México
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