Although they are often close to each other, the experiences of the research participants make up unique trajectories, including in personal and professional fields. In order to carry out a joint analysis of the cases, space was opened to identify these points. It starts with the professional construction of a female expatriate, which intersperses the valorization of attributes considered masculine and / or feminine, followed by elements that build and influence this trajectory: personal characteristics, family support and influence, affective relationships and motherhood, professional plans, and the organizations in which they work and countries of destination.
4.1. “The” Professional Female Expatriate<xref ref-type="fn" rid="fn1"><sup>1</sup></xref>
In view of the elements highlighted as fundamental for building the trajectories of the female expatriate surveyed, it was observed that “acting as a man”, as mentioned by Antonella - “sometimes you have to act as a man would act. And women acting like men are thick, men are normal” - “working as equals” and behaving like “a professional” were present in several interview reports. At many times they used the male article to refer to themselves at work, such as Sagar: “I took the advice of a Commercial Director, and he would say to me, 'You are not a woman, you are a professional. A professional has no sex while he's acting professionally.’ The speech corroborates what Alice said:
If you are a woman, and you are shy and you do not talk during a meeting, you will have more difficulty to make your point, to show your work, or that you are capable of leading, finally, showing you as a potential professional, but if you are a woman who arrives in a meeting and speaks to others as equals, you will move on.
And this is exaggerated in Morgana's report, which reflects the potentializing of aspects considered as masculine to produce power spaces (Acker, 1990; Scott, 1995) in the organizational environment.
I just wasn't a man because I didn't have the genitals. Because all my professional behavior was male. So my professional constitution was in the male gender, not the female gender. And because my efforts gave results. So there was the thing of giving results and the thing that I was more macho than a lot of people inside that company. I mean many people. This I tell you, neither with pride, nor with shame because I can look at the past, so today I can analyze it with ease. But, I went through that moment that if I had an employee who had a performance problem, my scheme was to sit together in a room and talk until the person cried. When the person starts crying you leave, right? So, this sadistic thing, the sadistic manager, the imposition of power (Morgana).
It was noticed that this is an alternative form of behavior that aims to minimize differences in the work environment, reducing aspects considered fragile in women or bad in the eyes of men. That is, the ideal posture is the one which draws attention to the aspect that matters to the company - the work - and will be essential for the invitation by the company or for the search for a job abroad. Within a logic of building boundaryless careers (Arthur, 1994; Inkson, 2006), it is noted that professional conduct is limited by gender transposition, with the adoption of a posture associated with male stereotype in organizations, especially aggressive conduct and strong positioning.
However, for women expatriates, the advantages of being a woman should be harnessed with restrictions, so as not to lose professional respect: “If you are in an environment with many men, if you know how to use the power of being a woman, you get a lot. I do not say in this thing of being sensual, in these things, but in the professional sense” (Fabiana). “I think women in a typically male environment have a big advantage, we get things easier and faster, and we don't have to use sexuality, it's just being professional with a feminine way” (Giane).
As seen in the early feminist theories, essentially liberal and psychoanalytic, the arguments seemed to be centered on the questions of 'equality', 'similarity' or 'differences' in order to make both sexes and their sexualities occupy the same place in society without oppression or subordination (Calás & Smircich, 2006; Domínguez, Rivo-López,& Villanueva-Villar, 2019). Other women expatriates demonstrated the empowerment of the male as dominant (Acker, 1990; Connell & Pearse, 2015), both abroad and in Brazil, and the imperative of a strong, imposing posture, a performance at work as active agents in their relationships with localor foreign men (Janssens, Cappellen, & Zanoni, 2006).
To the extent that the presence of women is insignificant in international assignments, professional opportunities are sometimes stagnant. With the advent of international experience as highly required for global leaders, women's inability to achieve an expatriation experience proves to be a concrete impediment to hierarchical advancement in most global corporations
4.1.1 Personal characteristics, support and influence of the family
All interviewees, directly or indirectly, had a period of preparation for expatriation during their trajectory. Some, recalling childhood, reflected on the enchantment with professions related to mobility: “Every child wants to be a teacher, every woman at some point when she is a child, wants to be a secretary, a flight attendant. I remember that a lot. I wanted to be a flight attendant, secretary, I wanted to be a diplomat and I did a little of all this” (Sinara); “I fed the dream of being a journalist, actress, singer, flight attendant” (Sagar); “Since I can remember I wanted to be many things, I wanted to be a teacher, I wanted to be a flight attendant, I think that childish thing, that goes on seeing the papers, goes on fantasizing” (Cláudia).
What was learned from the family appeared to encourage study and career choices in the future. This understanding is in line with research that considers career as inserted in the universe in which people and their work are established, being essential to understanding the influences received from the family, society, and the cultural context in which one grew up (Sullivan & Baruch, 2009; Polson, 2016; Rodriguez & Ridgway, 2019). The focus of the influence was on the figure of their mothers, by encouraging them to study, work and not depend on anyone financially.
That was my mother's catechesis, right? Three female daughters. The catechesis was: never depend on men. None of the three depends on men. That is, catechesis had an effect, you know? [...] Basic catechesis every day was: you don't have to do anything other than study. My mother was very complicated, she did not want us to do any chores, so as not to fall into the routine that women do housework and men, like, go to work and have a profession. Our service was to study. That was it and period (Morgana).
One thing I always knew was that I wanted to study, because the one thing I always hated was helping my mom do housework. I never wanted to learn to cook, never wanted to do anything, and I always told my mom that I was going to study and work even if it was just to pay a maid. I always dedicated a lot of myself to studies (Laura).
Sagar, who among the interviewees is the oldest one, made a characteristic comment of her generation, since women were long raised to be wives (Beauvoir, 1970; Motta, Sardengerg, & Gomes, 2000). This included being economically dependent on her husband (Beauvoir, 1970; Rodriguez & Ridgway, 2019) and solely responsible for household chores, which prevented or limited her studies and professional practice. “The young women who could go a little beyond were bankers, teachers, public servants, etc. The truth is that we were raised and prepared for marriage. The woman had to get married, start a family, have children, and live happily ever after” (Sagar).
It is noteworthy that, from the 19 participants, seven had an exchange abroad, work and / or study, prior to the expatriation experience, in order to learn or expand the knowledge of languages, especially English. The language was mentioned in almost every interview as an advantage for those who have started studying since childhood or adolescence. Having lived in different places seemed a facilitator, both for expatriates and for companies when recruiting and selecting. Flexibility and the ability to build and deconstruct herself and her bonds (Freitas, 2000, González & Oliveira, 2011) appeared as key to the experience of expatriation, as the mobility potential for the company is highlighted, pointing to the tendency of agility to adapt to new work environments and cultural realities.
4.1.2 Affective Relationships and Motherhood
Regarding the participants affective relationships, eight out of 19 were already married when expatriates and all husbands accompanied them abroad. Alice and Belinda work for the same company as their husbands and the couples were expatriates together. In such cases, as well as Cristina’s, in which her husband accompanied her as an expatriate from another company, it was noted that the fact that the spouse does not have to renounce on his career facilitates the experience abroad, and gives greater emotional and financial stability for the couple.
Camile, in addition to being an expatriate, works in the area of Human Resources with expatriate management. She commented that experiences of dual career couples (Harvey & Wiese, 1998; Mäkelä, Känsälä,& Suutari, 2011; McNulty, 2015; Guttormsen, 2018) are already recognized as a critical point in inviting or accepting an expatriate candidate, given that someone ends up “giving up her/his job, her/his life”. She emphasizes that the social pressure falls on the man who gives up work to accompany the woman, since they often cannot relocate abroad or do not put themselves in well-paid jobs.
This situation was experienced by all husbands who accompanied their wives without being also expatriates. Although planned and supported, at some point there were situations of discomfort with the absence of work: “he kind of started to get depressed here, and I think, when it’s a woman, the pressure is even higher, there's the fact that I'm working, he is staying at home, several cultural things that we carry in our luggage”(Cassia); “The woman comes along, gets a poor job, or doesn't even work, they make a deal that she's going to take care of her son, okay, and it's not like that for the man. The man has that thing of not being able to stay at home” (Jessica); “Wives went there a lot to be expatriate wives, very few actually went to work, and my husband didn't want that, of course not, and I didn't want him to become an expatriate husband” (Raquel).
It was noted that although they demonstrate not to care about stereotypes or roles understood as of “men” and “women”, there was some prejudice in the speeches, in many cases, recognized by the participants, showing that gender is an element that constitutes social relationships from perceived differences (Scott, 1995). In Raquel's speech, the fact that the man is in a situation that is common to women seems to devalue him socially: “I think this was the biggest difficulty, we even joked about it, made it a joke: what if you go out with the girls to shop? Go occupy yourself with the girls!” Cassia corroborates that the discomfort affects both: “You end up meeting Brazilian families who are here, in similar situations and, for the most part, it is the man who came [for international assignment]. So there is even this presentation question, it is strange, understand? You go through situations where sometimes you even suffer prejudice.” The speeches represent a culturally constructed pattern of thinking that goes back to the beginning of feminist studies: it is unknown where exactly the definition of woman as 'the other' comes from (Beauvoir, 1970), but men and women differ socially and attribute themselves roles that disturb them when they are not fulfilled. Even with women's professional advancements, the sexual division of labor and the expectation that men will be the provider follow open-ended questions that need to be problematized (Kergoat, 2003; Connell & Pearse, 2015).
Regarding the importance of family support, especially of the spouse, in the context of expatriation, a topic widely discussed in the literature on the subject (Freitas, 2000; Taylor & Napier; 2001; Lee & Kartika, 2014), there was harmony between reports, either in the decision to accept the invitation or to apply for an international opportunity, such as while in the country of destination.
Marriage was not directly related to having children, as some reported that they do not have this desire and do not associate it with investing in their careers: “We have no children and we have no plans to have and this is not career related, it does not match our lifestyle” (Laura); “I make no plans to have children. I even talked to my husband and, in his family, one gets married to have children, they are catholic, very traditional. But I've already made it clear that I don't have these plans” (Luana). In the cases of those who had children or became pregnant during the period abroad, the following factors were taken into account, such as quality of life in the destination country, benefits from labor legislation, losses due to the lack of family members, the possibility of having or not having babysitting, among others balanced in consensus between the couples. Therefore, it is important to think about the diversity of family characteristics of women in management positions - commonly portrayed as single, divorced and, if married, without children (Linehan & Scullion, 2004; Polson, 2016).
4.1.3 The professional plans and the organizations in which they work
Expatriation has been illustrated in the speeches as an advantageous opportunity to change, to open up to the new: “if you are a person who wants to develop and grow as a person and professional, you will like to change” (Giane); “A lot of personal development. It is a breaking of paradigms [...] we have such an experience, no day is the same as another, however hard it is, we learn a lot from it” (Sinara). They also express the growth expectations that experiencing expatriation produces: “I thought it would greatly value my career [...] I knew the market would value me much more if I went back to Brazil with an international experience, that would open many doors for me” (Raquel).
Having a career path and clear career goals was considered a differential for the female expatriates (Sullivan & Arthur, 2006; Domínguez, Rivo-López,& Villanueva-Villar, 2019). Therefore, it is essential to indicate to the company the objective, in addition to the necessary technical skills and communication skills in the language of the destination country, characteristics considered essential for any expatriate candidate. In the case of women, the myth that they “don't want” to go abroad still prevails in organizational discourse, so it is necessary to highlight the intention and potential for mobility.
Some of the participants work in areas where men have historically predominated, such as in the exact sciences, engineering and information technology or, even when they are the majority, as in psychology, they realize that there is a limitation in professional advancement (Calás & Smircich, 2006; The Global Gender Gap Report, 2014). The perception of the extraordinarily competent woman figure (Adler, 1987), which is still generally neglected in relation to a male colleague, is reflected in the lines. Cláudia's report elaborates on the glass ceiling barrier (Insch, Mcintyre & Napier, 2008; Domínguez, Rivo-López,& Villanueva-Villar, 2019), approximating the idea of a labyrinth (Eagly & Carli, 2007) that prevents women from reaching managerial positions and, consequently, expatriation.
There is a funnel and it is a gender funnel. Just it. I've seen a lot of times when, especially in the HR area, which has a lot of women, you had the man and the woman and only one position, and the two are on the same level or the woman was strongest, and who got the job was the man (Cláudia).
Sometimes, the same expatriate woman pointed out the difficulties of working in a male-dominated environment, which made her feel displaced, and then, at another point commented that being a woman represented something that made things easier, demonstrating that the situation can be seen from different points of view (Polson, 2016; Rodriguez & Ridgway, 2019). The easy things seem to be related to behaving like “a female professional” because, to the extent that one finds the right way to act enhancing the positive aspects of the female, there will be advantages (Tung, 2004).
4.1.4. The Destination Country
Several reports considered that being Brazilian woman was a negative factor, mainly based on the stereotype linked to Brazilian women' sensuality and the trickiness of Brazilians: “when I met my husband and some friends of his, there were some who said: 'Oh, it's Brazilian'. And they looked that way up and down” (Luana); “Our fame is not good, this Brazilian way, party, carnival, soccer, is not a good image they have of Brazilian professionals, you have to build your reputation” (Giane).
The interviewees mentioned situations of discrimination, either because they were women, because they were Brazilian or both, especially in work areas where women are still a minority. This is the case of Antonella, materials engineer. As soon as she arrived at her place of work, she heard from a manager: “What is this Barbie [doll] doing here? Why did you send me this Barbie?” And commented on other cases of colleagues who were not accepted by the national hosts. Sexual harassment cases have also been mentioned, both in countries where women are restricted in their freedom of labor, such as Kuwait - Rúbia's destination - or in a country with considerable gender equality, such as the United States, Luana's first expatriation destination.
The destination country, therefore, can influence the expatriate women's perception and, in different ways, affect the way she lives out the experience. In accordance with the work of Rodriguez and Ridgway (2019), expatriate women live and work in a constant dynamic of privilege and disadvantage, so they cannot be considered as a privileged elite, even though professional mobility is indicative of social and economic advancement (Domínguez, Rivo-Lopez,& Villanueva-Villar, 2019). In any case, it was observed that even in countries where there are few women in well-paid jobs, especially in management positions, such as India, Singapore, and Kuwait, female expatriates in general were seen as “foreigners that were women”. At some point, such a condition, also benefiting from the position of power, may have facilitated their insertion in the workplace, even with several obstacles because they are women in male-marked countries and organizational structures (Polson, 2016; Connell & Pearse, 2015).