It is difficult to define precisely when the practice of tattooing has started; although, by the end of the 20th century, tattoos achieved a new form of acknowledgment and social practice, in which it was no longer largely associated to marginality, as well as rebellion and unruliness, but represented a process of acquiring a new, personal meaning (FARLEY; VAN HOOVER; RADEMEYER, 2019; THOMPSON, 2019a) often based on market appropriation (SCHLÖSSER et al., 2020). Thus, obtaining a tattoo can be part of an identity transformation process (LANE, 2014).
Empirical evidence suggests that tattoos are no longer associated to anti-social groups or marginality. However, it does not mean that body art has does not currently carry negative concepts or associations, especially for women (SCHLÖSSER et al., 2020; SWAMI; FURNHAM, 2007). Despite of that, the rise in popularity and larger regulation for the tattooing business has contributed to diminish some of the negative, cultural evaluations (SIMPSON; PULLEN, 2018).
Even with significant changes when it comes to tattoos, it is noticeable that when men have tattoos, it often reinforces their masculinity; whereas for women it is quite the contrary, the practice can even diminish their feminine identity, although it can be less harmful when they choose tattoos that are considered to be feminine, which are more delicate, discrete and small (KLUGER, 2015; THOMPSON, 2015; 2019b). The work identity has peculiarities other than the simple achievement of a task; besides, individual identity in the workplace is broadly connected to the influence of social groups on the construction of identity (PRATT; ROCKMANN; KAUFMANN, 2006). On that account, the impact of stigma on the construction of professional identity is relevant to this knowledge field, since the process of professional identity construction process for contemporary careers may be distinct or at least capable of change, especially for members of groups which are considered stigmatized (SLAY; SMITH, 2011), such as female tattoo artists.
Stigmatized professionals believe that their clients’ perceptions on them depreciate their careers, more evidently in the context of female tattoo artists, since tattooing has been historically associated to heavily masculinized cultures (VOUGH et al., 2012; THOMPSON, 2015). The harassment towards women in these environments is relatively common, in which it is seen as a way of testing their resilience in a masculinized, hostile environment (OLIVEIRA; MOURA, 2021). Furthermore, it is known that, over the last few years, women are consistently getting more tattoos rather than men(FARLEY et al., 2019).
In the model proposed by Slay and Smith (2011), the professional identity construction in stigmatized groups brings a need for redefinition tasks instead of adaptation, as it occurs in other groups. Hence, this model seeks to analyze fourdifferent perspectives: (i) identifying early influences that made the individual initiate in their career; (ii) professional experiences related to stigma and to the individual differentiation as an “outsider”; (iii) repertoires of selves available to use when redefining their own experiences; and (iv) redefining tasks, specifically redefining themselves, redefining the profession and redefining stigma.
Given the previously mentioned approaches, the following question arises for the development of this research: how does gender stigma interfere in the professional identity construction of female tattoo artists? Accordingly, the objective was to investigate how gender stigma interferes in the professional identity construction of female artists, based on the model proposed by Slay and Smith (2011).
The field on scientific investigations on professional identity remains limited and somewhat difficult to map. Recent researches suggest that, not only are the individuals more predisposed to choose occupations that correspond to their innate characteristics, but occupation environments also play a role in motivating changes in both identity and personal characteristics (WILLE; DE FRUYT, 2014). Therefore, this study provides tools for researches in contemporary careers. As for sexual segregation, it is apparent that gender plays an important role in the subculture with representation on the tattoo community, since it has historically associated to masculine subcultures and male artists (THOMPSON, 2019b).
This research is justified due to the fact that the roles which are involved within a profession often bring prestige, however, when stigmatized people play these roles, they receive little to no social acknowledgment, since their identities are associated to negative practices (SLAY; SMITH, 2011). In regards to women working in non-traditional job fields, Thompson (2015) explains that, when comparing the tattoo industry with other qualified activities, it is possible to find similarities and significant differences for women to understand when they choose to engage in working as a tattoo artist. This paper seeks to broaden the understanding of how the redefining of professional identity takes place within stigmatized groups, allowing for new perspectives to appear ontattooing. That itself has an impact on the scientific knowledge field on gender studies, mainly on the barriers which women face in environments which are predominantly male-dominated.
Aside from this introduction, this paper presents five other sections. In the second section, women, tattooing and stigma will be explained as they are all correlated. In the third section, a theoretical base will be presented regarding professional identity and their stigmas, which then will be applied in the model here presented. In the fourth section, the methodological procedures will be approached. Then, the results of the research will be presented and analyzed. Finally, the sixth section will bring the final considerations, as well as the contributions for academia and inspiration for future researches on the area.
2 WOMEN, TATTOOS AND THEIR STIGMAS
It is worth mentioning that, although women have accomplishments from the constant struggle of equality and belonging, the gender division in the workplace stills results in discrimination, differentiation and prejudice for them to obtain their spot on thework market (SIQUEIRA; SAMPARO, 2017). Furthermore, dividing themselves between professional and family lives is a condition which makes it more complex for women to maintain their place in the work field, as women often take a second or third work shift, adapting to both domestic tasks and childcare (CAPPELLE; MELO, 2010).
Historically, the tattoo artist profession has been associated to masculine subcultures such as military men and motorcyclists, as well as civil construction workers. From the decade of 1970 up until 1990, a redefining of tattoos occurred, which brought body art to different demographic groups, which as women and the middle class (KLUGER, 2015; THOMPSON, 2019a). Although there have been several advances in tattooing, such as the development of electrical tattooing machines and safety regulations, women and their involvement as tattoo artists are still very much seen as “new” in the business, which in turn makes them seek acknowledgment and space in this area(OLIVEIRA; MOURA, 2021).
Body appearances have been used as a way of determining one’s character (ADAMS, 2012). Tattoos are filled with cultural as personal meanings. In spite of the fact that body art has been consistently growing in popularity, individuals with tattoos may experience stigma, stereotypes and discrimination, both on their work and personal lives (DANN; CALLAGHAN, 2019; DELUCA; GRISCI; LAZZAROTTO, 2018; FARLEY et al., 2019), since tattoos are often associated to risky behavior in adults (SCHLÖSSER et al., 2020).
Tattooed women have been classified as less physically attractive, sexually promiscuous and more likely to abuse alcohol when compared to non-tattooed women – with more negative evaluations when they had a larger number of tattoos (BROUSSARD; HARTON, 2017; SWAMI; FURNHAM, 2007). Besides that, for these women, the resistance and conformity practices constitute social, historical and cultural contexts, which have normative values on either “good” or “bad” tattoos. That indicates that, when tattoos in a context of personal meaning, they become more acceptable, especially in regards to women (DANN; CALLAGHAN, 2019). Contrastingly, Schlösser et al. (2020) analyzed a sample of 316 Brazilian women in their study, where 50% of them had tattoos, and came to the conclusion that tattooed women are more pleased with their appearance, although getting tattoos and risky behavior are still largely associated, such as drug consumption.
According to Kluger (2015), tattoos have always been connected to the male population. The number of women with tattoos is smaller than men in many studies, especially in older ages. However, from the decade of 1990, half of all tattoos were reportedly belonging to women. Broussard e Harton (2017) add that, regarding the work market, most managers have explicitly confirmed that they would not hire a visibly tattooed candidate, as it would harm the company’s image, causing personal prejudice on tattoos. In regard of potential customers, they also tend to perceive tattooed employees as less capable of performing.
As stated by Adams (2012), the tattoo industry is considered a type of “dirty work”, as it allows for the tattoo artist to be stigmatized over the course of several aspects of what would be a job with “dirty” characteristics, making it necessary for professionals to actively redefine and legitimate their activities. Moreover, although in regulated professions sexual harassment is fought against, the same is not true for the tattoo industry (THOMPSON, 2015). DeLuca and Rocha-de-Oliveira (2016) state that, starting from the decade of 2000, there was an enormous raise of tattooing practices, which in turn contributed to a larger regulation of the field, mainly for tools and work norms.
The act of becoming “heavily tattooed” and its historical association to deviant subcultures has continued to maintain social stigma and evoke negative feelings on the observers. That is true also for the women who have to deal with gender norms in this subculture, which has been associated to other male groups (THOMPSON, 2019a). Tattoos themselves and tattoo practices, which are connected to cultural values within the tattoo industry, can also be seen as representations of a desire of authenticity and representing one’s self, as well as adding some characteristics, such as creativity, rebellion and challenge (SIMPSON; PULLEN, 2018).
Social psychologists have developed several scientific researches on stigma and, by using their insights on social cognitive approaches, it has helped them comprehend how individuals construct categories and connect them to stereotyped beliefs (LINK; PHELAN, 2001). As stated by Goffman (1988), stigma may be understood as bodily signs with which one seeks to show something extraordinary or bad about the moral status of those who present it. Link and Phelan (2001) state that people are stigmatized when they are labeled, isolated and associated to undesirable characteristics, which in turn results in loss of status.
Most definitions on stigma come to the conclusion that stigmatized individuals carry an attribute or characteristic which makes them different from others, and therefore judged as less appreciated or valued. Such attributes may be controlled or uncontrolled, visible or not, connected to appearances, behavior or members of a specific group. It should be noted that the stigma is not necessarily part of one’s self but a social context (MAJOR; O’BRIEN, 2005).
Physical stigma is what the individual is born with; while behavioral stigma is according to one’s responsibilities and choices, which influences on others’ views on stigmatized people. For instance, an individual with a stigmatized characteristic such as a tattoo may not receive the same level of empathy as would one with a physical condition (LARSEN; PATTERSON; MARKHAM, 2014). Tattooing goes in the opposite direction ephemerality in the context of the current, liquid society, as it appears as a form of expression and resistance, due to the fact that tattoos are permanent marks on one’s body (DELUCA; GRISCI; LAZZAROTTO, 2018).
Given the above, it is noticeable that, in spite of the redefining tattooing has undergone in the recent years, it remains quite stigmatized to those who belong to this subculture. Moreover, concepts and approaches on professional identity and stigma are highlighted.
3 PROFESSIONAL IDENTITY AND STIGMA
The construction of one’s identity, including professional identity, is a narrative construction, in which one would tell themselves and others who they are, revising over time, especially in response to internal and external influences (DELUCA; ROCHA-DE-OLIVEIRA, 2016; BROWN, 2014). Professional identity is a complex phenomenon, which contemplates awareness and connection to skills, qualities, behaviors, values and patterns in their chose profession, as well as the comprehension of the professional self and the broader self (JACKSON, 2017).
According to Kira and Balkin (2014), identity is capable of influencing one’s work environment, for instance, a lack of alignment between the preferred professional identity and the work situation may influence attempts of changing the environment. The forms of work identity are related to role transitions, especially when individuals experience changes in the workplace or roles(IBARRA; BARBULESCU, 2010). Rossi and Hunger (2020) state that comprehending social identities construction is a sine qua noncondition to the study of professional identity. A stigmatized identity results in the power of marginalizing an individual, which then causes their disqualification rather than total acceptance from society. Stigmatized groups and individuals are often capable of cultivating alternate positive conceptions about themselves, besides presenting self-esteem and impression management tactics (TOYOKI; BROWN, 2013).
As maintained by Rossit et al. (2018), when a professional undergoes experiences, they result in their knowledge being internalized, as a way of comprehending and reorganizing it. Slay and Smith (2011) state that it is necessary for the professional identity to be redefined rather than adapted; which then becomes a central task for members of stigmatized social groups. In their study, the authors found that being stigmatized and also an outsider have an influence on the construction of a professional identity. Therefore, when members of a stigmatized minority are in a society which perceives them as limited and less capable, they tend to have a narrow view of their professional opportunities and possibilities.
The model of professional identity by Slay and Smith (2011) introduces how professional experiences and both family and cultural values help define the repertoire of possible professional selves. Next comes redefining the central task for members of stigmatized groups, as in redefining the occupational rhetoric, stigma, and the self (FIGURE 1). Thus, as mentioned by Rossi and Hunger (2020), tension occurs when there is not confluence between what others wish the individual to be and the individual’s desire to incorporate a certain identity, therefore causing the feeling of being na outsider.
Next, the model presents a point of redefining rather than adapting to the profession. In this context, an important antecedent for redefinition is the experience of being stigmatized or belonging to a culturally stigmatized group. Therefore, it becomes crucial to create professional rhetoric, as well as seeking new value in the stigmatized identity and still finding balancing between both the stigmatized and professional identities (IBARRA, 1999; SLAY; SMITH, 2011).
The first redefining task, as stated by Slay and Smith (2011), refers to occupational and professional repertoires and how important they are for the comprehension of constructing one’s professional identity, as it allows individuals to explain to others the significance of their work. Collective representations are shared beliefs on groups’ stereotypes. In this context, individuals start to try to dispel stereotypes and show people who are outside the stigmatized group a side previously not seen by them.
The task of redefining stigma has both negative and positive connotations. As most of the individuals are strongly aware of the stereotypes which their groups are associated to, they tend to redefine stigma in a positive manner, often perceiving their group and the respective cultural identity in a different and unique perspective (SLAY; SMITH, 2011).
Finally, the task of defining themselves refers to the ways of achieving a balance between their cultural and professional identities, understanding which one should come first. The individuals who choose their professional identity primarily, may experience feelings of loneliness – due to the abandonment of their external and internal group. Nonetheless, in most cases, it is mandatory that there is a redefinition in both personal and professional identities (SLAY; SMITH, 2011).
Professional identity is narrative which is in constant construction of itself. The process involves several stages, which start at learning function tasks until interacting with others. For stigmatized groups, this process is particularly distinct as they are perceived as outsiders, such as women who work and develop projects in the tattooing business. Based on the above and the theoretical study by Slay and Smith (2011), the methodological procedures will be presented for the analysis of the results of this research, with the objective of broadening discussion and reflection on how gender stigma interferes with the construction of the professional identities of female tattoo artists.
4 METHODOLOGICAL PROCEDURES
This study is characterized by its qualitative approach, as it seeks to deepen information on professional identity and stigma of female tattoo artists (COLLIS; HUSSEY, 2005). This is also a descriptive research, as it seeks to measure the characteristics described in the questions proposed in the adopted script. Semi-structured interviews were carried out, as this method allows researchers to be free to exercise their initiatives, and this allows for unexpected and clarifying information to rise, which brings reflections and findings about the investigated phenomenon.
The sample of this research is composed of women who work professionally as tattooists. The choice of participants was carried out by convenience samples, since in this method, the participants are chosen due to the fact that they are more accessible and available to the researchers (COLLIS; HUSSEY, 2005). They are identified here in the study under the title of “Tattooist”, following the order in which the interviews were carried out, between the numbers 1 and 15. The interviews lasted an average time of 24 minutes and 13 seconds, with a standard deviation of 4.58. Moreover, Table 1 presents a general view of the profile of the interviewees, which takes into account their age, marital status, education and working time as a tattoo artist.
Tattooist 1
30
Single
PhD in vegetable biology
8 meses
Tattooist 2
30
Married
Fashion designer
3 anos
Tattooist 3
33
Common-law marriage
Fashion designer
2 anos
Tattooist 4
19
Single
1 ano e 6 meses
Tattooist 5
32
Married
Fashion designer
3 anos
Tattooist 6
24
Single
Undergradute/Architecture
2 anos
Tattooist 7
27
Single
5 anos
Tattooist 8
20
Single
5 meses
Tattooist 9
21
Single
Fashion designer
2 anos
Tattooist 10
23
Single
3 anos
Tattooist 11
27
Single
1 ano
Tattooist 12
24
Single
1 ano e 10 meses
Tattooist 13
29
Single
Social communication/Architecture
3 anos
Tattooist 14
39
Single
Fashion designer
3 anos
Tattooist 15
33
Single
Physical educator
3 anos
As observable on Table 1, the interviewees are aged between 19 and 39 years old and have been working in the industry for between 5 months and 5 years. They are mostly single and six of them have not either started or finished an undergraduate course. Tattooist 1 was completing her PhD in vegetable biology and worked with botanical technical drawing and design. It is Worth mentioning, that apart for the physical educator, according to the interviewees, every academic course is in some way connected to technical drawing.
The model by Slay and Smith (2011) was used for carrying out the interviews, which seeks to evaluate the identity construction of stigmatized groups. The early experience and professional experiences will be analyzed, the available repertoires for creating or redefining one’s professional identity, and, lastly, the redefining tasks will be used on an individual level, as well as professional and of stigma.
The analysis was carried out through content analysis (BARDIN, 2011), on three phases: (1) pre-analysis, with the organization and systematization of the available materials for the research and that collaborate with the final interpretation; (2) exploration of the material, seeking to understand the meaning given by those involved in the study to the research corpus; and (3) treatment of results, inference and interpretation, which would mean categorization. Therefore, through the analysis of the model by Slay and Smith (2011), four categories of analysis were established: initial influences, work experiences, possible professional selves, and the redefinition tasks, which include the redefinition of stigma, redefinition of self and redefining the profession. For data processing, the Atlas.ti software (version 7) was adopted as it is a tool that helps in qualitative analysis, coding the data, pointing out trends and patterns and optimizing the time devoted to analyzing the results. Thus, the analysis categories and context units are related to them by use of arrows in an ordered pair {x, y}, where each code is indicated with an ordered pair of two numbers, where the first represents the frequency with what the code appears, that is, the number of citations to which the code was related to the other; and the second number represents the number of context units it is associated with.
5 ANALYSIS AND RESULT DISCUSSION