1 Introduction

The conceptions of development and the strategies derived from them demand the contribution of different areas of knowledge, which gives the problem an interdisciplinary nature. Local development experiences in small-sized municipalities, rural or traditional communities, for example, focusing on culture and creativity, make economic, social, and sustainable dimensions of development emerge and strengthen the connection between community-culture and derivations.

The realities of the District of Braga (DBG) in the region of Minho (Portugal) and the microregion of Itajubá (MRI) in Minas Gerais (Brazil), analyzed under the optics of Cultural Economics (CE) and Creative Tourism (CT), elevate the communities to protagonism in the development process, given that the territories instituted a set of standards (laws, decrees, and resolutions), policies, plans, and programs that required effectuation. From this perspective, the objective of this work was to identify approximations between the MRI and the DBG within the scope of economic, social, and sustainable development from the community, culture, and tourism.

The notion of territory used surpasses the instituted idea of a political-administrative unit and helps us to reveal historical, political, identity, and know-how elements, as well as affinities, traditions, memories, and ways of organization, life, and power that are often disregarded by the hegemonic conception of development. Such cultural and creative elements present in the local dynamics open possibilities of regarding other development perspectives.

Despite the efforts and effectuations of national, state, and municipal programs and of public policies aimed at fomenting culture and tourism as economic activities, the effectuation of such policies at the sites presents difficulties, especially regarding the organization and adhesion of the community.

Upon identifying approximations between the different realities of the territories, we propose a dialogue and exchange of experiences that may serve as inspiration for local actions, projects, and policies adapted to their realities and contexts. We do not intend to carry out a comparative analysis, which would denote the imposition of a model that obeys purely ideological requirements (ZEMELMAN, 2003) and that is not at all related to concerns of good living and well-being. The proposal is to identify distancings and approximations of the CE and CT field experiences, the accomplishments and difficulties, learning from both.

The starting point lies in the finding that culture reveals itself in a field of economic, social, political, subjective, symbolic, and moral disputes to leverage modes and models of economic development and consumer markets, which assumes reflections about the hegemonic definitions of economy and tourism, galvanized by ideological growth requirements. These announce progress, prosperity, and employability, without effective transformations of the capital-labor relation logic.

2 Cultural Economics and Creative Tourism: regulations and theoretical reflections

Article 215 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution (BRASIL, 1988) establishes the "[...] full exercise of cultural rights and access to the national culture sources" and states that the State "will support and encourage the valuation and diffusion of cultural manifestations". Besides the Constitution, Constitutional Amendment No. 48 (BRASIL, 2005) reinforces the guarantee of cultural rights and diversities to all peoples. These normative fields reverberated in the Brazilian National System of Culture (SNC) and the National Plan for Culture (PNC). Article 2 of the PNC presents the objectives of the plan, developed in three axes: symbolic, citizenship, and economical. Of the thirty items that compose the article, five are highlighted: I - recognize and value the cultural, ethnic, and regional Brazilian diversity; [...] VII - stimulate the critical and reflexive thinking around the symbolic values; VIII - stimulate socioenvironmental sustainability; [...] IX - develop cultural economics, the domestic market, cultural consumption, and the export of cultural goods, services, and contents; X - recognize the traditional knowledge and expressions and the rights of their holders; [...] (PNC, 2010).

In Portugal, a national culture system or plan does not yet exist. There are motions for the institutionalization of Municipal Strategic Plans for Culture (PEMC), guided by the elaboration of a system, still under debate. The Constitution of the Portuguese Republic brings in items "3" and "subitems b" of articles 73 and 78 the idea of cultural fruition and creation, with emphasis on article 90 of the constitutional revision (2005).

The economic and social development plans have the goal of promoting economic growth, the harmonious and integrated development of sectors and regions, the fair individual and regional division of the national product, the coordination of the economic policy with the social, educational, and cultural policies, the defense of the rural world, the preservation of the ecological balance, the defense of the environment, and the quality of life of the Portuguese people (PORTUGAL, 1976).

For being a political movement of collective, associative, and solidary organization, it signals the promising gaps of articulation between culture and development for dialogues among economy, tourism, creativity, and locality, underpinned by the memories, identities, know-hows, stories, belongings of the regions and places, basic matters that favor senses and meanings to life, living, and nature.

For culture to be able to promote autonomy, it is indispensable to prioritize a political project that questions the backbone of capitalism and economic growth (free competition, the victory of the strongest over the weakest, and profit without symmetric distribution). The knowledge contained in the techniques and doings of traditions is an element that must be preserved and passed from generation to generation, within a set of senses, meanings, significations, and values that confer to culture a statement of emancipatory, solidary, and collective transformations.

The departure and arrival point must not be the competitive and concurrence economy, since an economy committed to culture must potentialize alterity, difference, diversity, and associate itself with local, social, and sustainable development, aiming at good living and the preservation of nature in all its complexity. Culture is also the (re)elaboration and (re)production of the common things of life (WILLIAMS, 1992), a resource of cultural good production (YÚDICE, 2006). In this sense, the locality is being led to propose other meanings-ordinations-senses to production, consumption, and social structure

Development, Culture, and Economy must be interlaced, in opposition to the concurrences, competitions, individualization, fights of all against all. In the molds with which they have been constituted in the sociopolitical and socioeconomic order in place, they preclude solidarity and cooperation mechanisms, given that they potentialize exclusion processes through "[...] and economic system that, to remain dynamic and competitive, must 'streamline' companies, reproduce the costs, and increase work productivity" (GODELIER, 2001, p. 7).

CE instigates the production of knowledge that is not in the order of hegemonic scientific validity and, in dispute, predisposes to forge the strategies for coping with the reality imposed on the locality, on communities, and on people in vulnerability situations, especially in small municipalities and rural areas. Investigations in this sense have already pointed out the need to facilitate the inversion of the role of the economy, so it is put into the service of an egalitarian distribution of income and wealth, promoter of access to all and cooperation among people-communities-groups-organizations (ALMEIDA, 2009; REIS, 2009; SILVA; ARAÚJO, 2010).

In CE, we see creativity, solidarity, and social justice as habilitations for the elaboration of another economic development platform, from local movements and from the basis. The alternative paths will be constituted in the field of the disputes of culture by the forces in action (PIMENTA; MELLO; ZAMBONI, 2013). This is why CE is still an open field and being constituted. As such, it lacks epistemological vigilance, constant critical reflection, given that the economy and the market are not exclusive dominions of capitalism, and, in the dispute, culture presents itself as a consistent variable.

To Godelier (2001), the secret is in the caritative gift - give, receive, and restitute - in the sense of solidarity and the effective exercise of the rights, without restrictions guided by the market or by exclusion due to gender, race, or class. The gift did not stay retained in the so-called pre-modern societies; it "[...] is present in all the fields of social life in which personal relations continue to play a dominant role" (GODELIER, 2011, p. 25), a condition still very present in small municipalities, rural areas, and communities.

From the perspective laid, nothing prevents us from imagining other forms of development stemming from the local-regional, in conceptions that point to the principles, values, and diktats of CE, stricto sensu, as a place of dissemination of cultural biodiversity, traditional know-hows in parity with the scientific knowledge and the promotion of political and socioeconomic equity.

In the interconnections among development, economy, tourism, and culture, Portugal's project is based on the definitions and conceptualizations of Creative Tourism (CT) (TAN; KUNG; LUH, 2013; RICHARDS, 2016; ZADEL; RUDAN, 2019), characterized by tourism experiences with co-participation and co-creation between the community and the tourist, based on collectivity, sustainability, cooperation, trust, security, exchange, tradition, and belonging.

Investigations carried out about the reality of small municipalities and rural areas of Northern Portugal, analyzed under the optics of creativity-territory, presented issues pertinent to this field, among which we highlight: (i) paths and opportunities of less-urbanized territories; (ii) different roles of rural and urban territories in the face of the processes and creative activities for income generation; (iii) sustainable ways to render the territories attractive to CT (REMOALDO et al., 2020).

Such findings show that culture, locality, community, and creativity are primordial for the materialization of the development proposals that consider CT an activity that confronts the exploration models present in individualizing societies. CT confronts the logic of conventional tourism, centered around the concept of economic growth and exploration of cultural activities under such terms. It presents as a project for the use and appreciation of touristic resources so to potentialize creativity as a holistic, democratic, and participative concept and an instrument of knowledge exchange.

In the proposal for an investigative agenda on CT, Duxbury and Richards (2019) recognize that this is a touristic niche that originates in two parameters: (1) consequence of the development of cultural tourism; (2) opposition to the emergence of mass tourism or cultural tourism of masses. Besides such elements, there are explicit links among tourism, knowledge, and training courses, which incorporate learning experiences and touch on subjective and psychological dimensions (experiences, affections, emotion, sensations).

Its effectuation may cause transformations in, of, by the community, dynamizing social, sustainable, sustained, inclusive, and distributive development. In its definitions, the notions of rural, locality, place, traditions, cuisine, ways of life are incorporated, dislocated from the concepts of product, merchandise, and consumerism. In the journey of CT, the effects of these activities take off from the predatory aspects of the tourism industry and aim to strengthen the preservation of history, memory, knowledge, doings, identities, identifications, and heritage - material and immaterial - in the environmental, social, and economic dimensions.

Coherent with social and sustainable development, given that it predisposes to overcome the idea that only a minority must occupy "[...] the spacious and comfortable cabins of the deck of spaceship Earth, while the vast majority is doomed to a miserable life in tiny cells, having to work hard to survive precariously" (SACHS, 2012, p. 8), if regarded as merchandise, CT will not position itself as an alternative to the hegemonic production mode.

Even if they are placed as alternatives to the hegemonic model, TC and CE are not immune to the impacts and effects of the massification of tourism in the face of the Western processes of homogenization of cultures (HALL, 1997), which does not delegitimize them as transforming possibilities of experiences, places, and communities, and of positioning themselves on the vanguard of the questions of income generation, survival, differences, alterities, and socioeconomic emancipations, through creative exchanges, imagination, and co-participation in its production forms, which confers a character distinct from the industrial process and the capital versus work relation.

3 Methodology

The production of the data in this research was carried out through two paths and intentionalities: (i) to characterize the studied regions by surveying socioeconomic and demographic data; (ii) get to know the conception about the local development potential within the scope of CE and CT from semistructured interviews with public managers of the MRI and inquiries with councilors of the DBG.

The choice of the MRI and the DBG derives from the fact that there are similar historical and cultural elements, with the strong presence of Catholicism and the close relationship with traditions and the rural world that influence cultural manifestations with a local base in both regions. We emphasize that this research is inserted in broader research projects developed at the MRI and the DBG since 2016.

The secondary data was extracted from census bases disclosed by the National Institute of Statistics (INE) and the Francisco Manuel dos Santos Foundation (platform PorData.pt) in the case of Portugal, and the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), platform IBGE.Cidades, in the case of Brazil.

As for the selection of the secondary data, some clarifications are necessary. The census surveys occur every ten years in both countries, with the next surveys werepredicted for 2021 in both. In this sense, the information relevant to this research -population, population density, unemployment rate, and average monthly wage per capita of the workers - are available in the estimates modality and date from 2017 (Brazil) and 2018 (Portugal). Moreover, the economic data of the MRI was converted into Euro, the currency of the European Union, regarding the purchase values in the exchange market (R$ 3.9672 per 1.00 €) of the antepenultimate day of the year (12/29/2017), a choice made due to the stability of the European currency. The pieces of information were drawn up as a panoramic device that depicts the reality and points to the importance of culture, tourism, and locality in the leveraging of regional development, and signals the evidence of the development aspects that agents shall consider.

In Brazil, the interviews were carried out with three public managers from municipalities in the MRI, with emphasis on the Municipal Plan for Culture (PMC), regulations of the National System of Culture (SNC), National Plan for Culture (PNC), and State Plan for Culture (PECMG), specifically regarding income generation processes and CE. In Portugal, three councilors of municipalities in the DBG were interviews, with emphasis on the understanding of CT. The choice of the interviewees took place given the greater structuring of the local policies within the scope of CE and CT, i.e., proximity with the theme, besides argumentative repetition. The intention of the interviews was to translate the local development conception based on CE and CT into knowledge and doings expressed in the traditions, identities, values, and their material and immaterial expressions, without losing sight of the capacity of such elements to foment income generation in small municipalities and/or local communities.

The interviews in the MRI were carried out between July and December 2017, totalizing 315 minutes of recording, transcribed in full. All interviewees signed the free and informed consent term. All interviews were scheduled beforehand and conducted in the offices of the managers themselves. In the DBG, the researchers went to the Municipal Chambers, presented the research proposal, identified the councilors, and posteriorly sent the inquiry forms, which were answered and returned electronically.

To preserve the identities of the interviewees, their names and respective municipalities were not mentioned. The identification will be carried out with initials MI1, MI2, MI3, when referring to the interviewees of the Microregion of Itajubá, and DB1, DB2, DB3 for the interviewees from the District of Braga.

The dataset was analyzed under the theoretical-conceptual bases of development within the scope of CE and CT, which surpass the hegemonic notions that culture, tourism, and cultural policies must be aimed towards economic growth as a starting parameter.

4 The District of Braga and the Microregion of Itajubá

The region of Minho is constituted of two districts (Braga and Viana do Castelo), with the District of Braga (DBG) being composed of 14 municipalities: Amares, Barcelos, Braga, Cabeceiras de Basto, Celorico de Basto, Esposende, Fafe, Guimarães, Póvoa de Lanhoso, Terras de Bouro, Vieira do Minho, Vila Nova de Famalicão, Vila Verde, and Vizela.

The municipality of Braga is the seat of the district. Its foundation dates from 1537 (GEOGERAL, 2020), but the settlement history surpasses 2,000 years, with it being the oldest Portuguese city (BRAGA, 2020). Its historical dimension materializes in its aesthetic-architectonic aspects with roman and Christian influences, present, namely, in the monuments and churches. In homage to emperor Caesar Augustus, it was denominated Bracara Augusta, with its foundation dating from 16 B.C. (BRAGA, 2020).

As illustrated in Figure 1, it is an area of rugged terrain to the East, at the limits of the Spanish border and in the district of Vila Real. From there, it develops until the Western coast of the country (Atlantic Ocean), presenting terrain cut by valleys and rivers from Northeast to Southwest. In this territory, one finds plains, valleys, mountain ridges, mountains, rivers, and beaches that represent the natural resources. The highest altitudes are at Serra Amarela (1,361 m), Serra do Gerês (1,545 m), and Serra da Cabreira (1,262), being intersected by the Cávado River Valley, forming a hydrographic network that incorporates the Homem River Valley and flows to the Atlantic Ocean, in the Esposende coast. Part of its territory is also traversed by the Ave River and its affluents.

It presents a transport and circulation network that interconnects the district to the remaining regions of Portugal and Spain, circumscribed in highways (A1 and A3, for example), with long-distance interregional road corridors, transversal highways (A7 and A11, for example), circular and secondary roads, as well as trains contained by a rail network for transporting people and products. In 2018, it was estimated that the DBG accommodated 827,717 inhabitants, corresponding to a population density of 331.6 inh./km².

The Microregion of Itajubá (MRI) is situated in the mesoregion of the South-Southwest of Minas Gerais (Figure 2) and is composed of 13 municipalities: Brazópolis, Consolação, Cristina, Delfim Moreira, Dom Viçoso, Itajubá, Maria da Fé, Marmelópolis, Paraisópolis, Piranguinho, Piranguçu, Virgínia, and Wenceslau Braz, having as its seat the municipality of Itajubá. This is the oldest municipality, founded in 1819 and historically influenced by the colonization and Christianity, of Portuguese origin, visualized in colonial monuments, churches, and devotional celebrations (IBGE.Cidades, 2018).

The region connects to the capitals of Minas Gerais (Belo Horizonte), São Paulo, and Rio de Janeiro through highways Fernão Dias (BR 381) for the first two and Presidente Dutra (BR 116) for the latter. It presents a system for transporting people and products with interconnections with the Brazilian Southeast and connections with the other Brazilian states through federal (BR 381, 383, and 459), state (MG 173, 295, and 350), and municipal (EM) highways.

Part of it is inserted on the Serra da Mantiqueira, on the border with the Paraíba Valley in São Paulo, and occupies the Atlantic Forrest region, formed by mountains, mountain ridges, waterfalls, rivers, and creeks. It forms the hydrographic basin of the Grande River, composed by rivers Lourenço Velho, Sapucaí, Sapucaí Mirim, and Lambari, which intersect a set of mountains that reach altitudes over 2,000 m.

Molding its landscape are Serra dos Toledos, Pedra de Santa Rita (1,915 m), Pico dos Dias (1,864 m), the headquarters of the National Astrophysics Laboratory (LNA), Pico da Bandeira (1,683 m), Pico dos Marins (2,422 m), Pico do Marinzinho (2,393 m), Pedra Vermelha (1,400 m), Pico do Machadão (1,600 m), and Pico da Boa Vista (1,399 m) and, in the face of the existing topography, countless falls present themselves in the form of waterfalls and rapids, such as: Estância, Peroba, Rio Manso (Itajubá), São Bernardo (Piranguçu), Túnel (Delfim Moreira), and Véu da Noiva (Maria da Fé).

The realities of the two territories evince distinct social organization processes and allow several possibilities of prospection, evaluations, and referrals to: (i) identify the correlations and conceptions effectuated by those who act as development agents; (ii) point out the public and private development strategies, social policies of income distribution and employment generation, and alternative paths to development; (iii) create space for the reflection about the relation among development, CE, and CT, with the due emphasis on the dimensions of the locality.

In 2018, it was estimated that the DBG (Table 1) accommodated 829,717 inhabitants, with the municipalities of Braga (181,651 inh.) and Terras de Bouro (6,448 inh.) presenting the highest and lowest numbers of inhabitants in the district, respectively. This territory corresponded to 2,706.4 km², marked by a significant population density in most municipalities, except for Terras de Bouro (23.2 hab./km²), Vieira do Minho (55.2 hab./km²), and Cabeceiras de Bastos (65.2 hab./km²). The municipality of Braga stands out once again, with the highest population density (990.5 inh./km²).

For the indicator of people working age people (in a position to occupy a job), the district reaches the average of 68.2%, with the municipality of Vizela being the one that presents the highest result (72%), while Terras de Bouro positions itself at the other extreme (62.7%). The unemployment rate is similar in all municipalities yet is higher in the mountainous municipalities [Vieira do Minho (8%), Cabeceiras de Basto (7%), Celorico de Basto (7%) Fafe (7%) e , and Terras de Bouro (7%)]. The average monthly income reaches something around 882.27 € (Euro), with the prominence of the municipality of Braga (1,077.0 €) and Vila Nova de Famalicão (1,037.0 €). Cabeceiras de Bastos (772.0 €) presents the lowest value. The national minimum wage of reference was 635.00 € (PorData, 2018).

Table 2 presents the socioeconomic indicators of the MRI. The population was estimated at 197,606 inhabitants, with the municipality of Itajubá (seat) being the most populous (96,869) and Wenceslau Braz having the fewest inhabitants (2,552). The territorial extension reaches an area of 2,984.931 km², with the municipalities of Delfim Moreira and Consolação having 408.473 km² and 89.122 km², respectively. The average population density of the municipalities in the microregion was of 73.67 inh./km² in 2019, with Itajubá standing out (307.49 inh./km²). The conversion of the Brazilian currency into that of the European Union allows a better comparison between the two territories.

We specify that the per capitaincome of the microregion resulted in 3,627.36 € (2017), with higher numbers in the municipalities of Itajubá (7,824.01 €) and Paraisópolis (6,968.49 €), and with Piranguçu showing the lowest average (2,431.54 €). The workers in a position to occupy jobs represent the equivalent of 92,289 people, between the occupied and unoccupied population. When the occupied are considered, the unemployment rates correspond to 42,441 people, i.e., around 13.4% of the microregion average. The most remarkable differences show in the municipalities of Itajubá (28,135 or 29.0%) and Paraisópolis (4,964 or 23.7%), with the highest indices, and in Dom Viçoso with the lowest value (278 or 9.0%). It is worth considering that the minimum wage in Brazil was of R$ 937.00, i.e., 236.18 € (December 2017).

The social issues are not the same in the two territories being studied, neither in form nor constitution, given that the territorial realities are distinct, fundamentally, in the class and social problem inequalities. Andrade and Ferreira (2013) raised questions about the microregion of Itajubá concerning the poverty line, the economically active population, unemployment, and the rurality of the municipalities.

Regarding poverty and unemployment, the worsening of such phenomena in the MRI occurred from 2016, a finding by Oliveira and Pimenta (2019), but there is the strengthening of a set of alternative income generation practices, be them in the informal market or services, product confection, arts and crafts of familiar or associate nature.

Table 3 presents the distribution of budgetary resources. The investments in culture are an indicator of the importance, to a higher or lower degree, attributed to given sectors of society (budget ratio and expenses with culture). The MRI has fewer inhabitants than the DBG and generates lower budgetary incomes.

Itajubá (58,373.86 €) and Braga (94,171.8 €) record the largest budgets and establish distinct relevance to culture in terms of resource allocation, since all municipalities in the MRI budget indices below 1%, except for the municipality of Paraisópolis, in which the budget reached 1%. In the DBG, the budget is higher, although it is conjugated with sports. Even so, this is still an indication of greater concern with culture, seeing that the data illustrate the reality and confirm that the public power (and private agents) have a role of relevance in leveraging local development alternatives, namely within the scope of creative activities (tourism, creative economics, and culture). It also denounces that the municipalities conserve, in their territorial domains, elements of material and immaterial culture and natural and architectonic resources of high value.

In view of the presented and aiming to support development guided by the principles of CE and CT, some considerations are necessary: (a) the territories analyzed base themselves on the notions of economic growth and progress in their development projects, but may also promote other paths for overcoming the existing socioeconomic reality; (b) the numbers identified, which are an expression of economic growth, do not translate into a balanced distribution of the resources and do not specifically impact the reduction of informality, labor precariousness, and unemployment; (c) the choices of paths for development seem to ignore the rurality dimension of the territories and make a strategic option for development policies that favor industrialization processes, including when regarding the rural; (d) the valuation of the culture, identities, and know-how of the locality suggest they are options for formatting other development platforms, which should incorporate local reality and elements that point to the preservation of traditions.

Despite this, both the DBG and the MRI bring elements that allow imagining development platforms that incorporate small cities, ruralities, traditions, popular artifacts, handicrafts, local culture, associationism, cooperatives, collective work, exchanges, solidarities, and creativities. The field information indicates possibilities for articulation between Local Development, Cultural Economics, and Creative Tourism.

Sustainable Development Goals (ONU, 2015).

The mastery of the languages of the proposed normative rationality does not assume an understanding of the principles contained in the sustainable, in opposition to the idealizations of order, progress, economic growth, competition, concurrence, and the victory of the strongest over the weakest. Indeed, within the power relations game in the field of cultural dispute (economy, tourism, location, traditions, lifestyle), the market, entrepreneurship, and meritocracy, of private and corporate nature, format the public manager's mental imagination.

CE and CT are presented as instruments for leveraging local development. In the voice of public manager MI2, when mentioning excerpts of the municipality's PMC, comes the understanding of what tourism is within CE:

[...] in all possibilities and senses that the meaning of the term allows, such as the fostering, preservation, creation, production, formation, fruition, diffusion, besides CE, which constitutes the fundamental right of the human being. Besides, as a productive and acting agent, the sector must be understood as a vector of economic development and one of the elements that provide social inclusion [...]. It is a factor of historical and economic importance that generates bonds, social inclusion, and wealth" (MI2, 2017).

Upon enunciating their conception of development and culture in the context of the PMC, MI2 recognizes basic elements of the local culture as a social inclusion and income generation potential. They also highlight a link of opportunities and regulations for local development, recognizes as a target, with the need to guarantee the preservation of the public equipment, natural resources, historical heritage, cultural manifestations, and traditions, given that

Traditional culture [...] is concentrated in communities and neighborhood associations where one finds the Folia de Reis, the catira dance, capoeira, maracatu, viola caipira, congadas, typical foods, and visual arts, among others. These art and culture forms deserve a more in-depth documentation study and permanent record of immaterial heritage (MI2, 2017).

The normative configuration of the municipality in itself represents an advancement in the face of the cultural policies of the microregion. However, it appears limited to the dynamics of development implicated with economic growth. It is not enough to acknowledge the need to recover, register, map, and preserve the cultural goods for countless ends, but it is important to bear in mind how it will affect, involve, benefit, and transform the local community.

In the DBG, there is also a recognition of the role of communities and associations as drivers of development. To DB1, the involvement will take place through the

[...] recreative associations for the dynamization of the activities, the promotion of small local commerce networks, revitalization of traditional practices [...] all proposals assume the connection with the local community at the most diverse levels. [...] we believe it is possible to contribute to the revitalization of arts and crafts and, at the same time, that this may be a driver of development (DB1, 2017)

Development is allocated to the territories in the form of prospection, project, or pretension, stimulated by normative instances and emphasis on CE (MRI) or CT (DBG). In power relations, some issues must be made explicit: the low participation of the community; entrepreneurship versus collective practices; associations and cooperatives versus micro corporate businesses; project managers or collective participation in the construction of democratic proposals.

Such issues have been pointed out by the managers and observed during the investigations. They tend to determine culture as a phenomenon associated with events (parties, spectacles, literary fairs, and commemorative dates) that attract tourists and are generators of economic returns to the municipality. MI3 reports:

[...], nowadays, especially, due to the cultural events, the return has been very large. [...] an event [...] of five days benefits not only the municipality but also neighboring municipalities [...] so you take an event in which fifteen thousand people pass through a municipality that has ten thousand inhabitants, so you see the impact that it causes, on commerce, in the entire touristic stretch: restaurants, markets, pharmacies, lodging (MI3, 2017).

In the logic of the market, State, or public-private partnerships, it is emphasized that the order speech is based on prerogatives guided by citizenship, rights, access to culture, participation, eligibility and representations, and transparencies, characterized by intrinsic values of democracy. It is possible that, with the excess of chores and lack of structure (human, economic, political, and symbolic resources), such action strategies have difficulty overcoming paths that escape the market dynamics. In the evaluation of DB1, it is made evident that CT fosters the economy because

the valuation of the local identity through the shared manifestation and revitalization of costumes will be one of the major benefits of this project. Besides these, the direct economic benefits associated with each activity allow bringing non-seasonal monetary complements from such activities to the local community and indirectly dynamizing the entire touristic fabric of the surrounding area, which will also be influenced by this dynamic (DB1, 2017).

DB1 views CT as an engine of local development. They emphasize the creative experience associated with the relation among the tourist, tourism, and the community, considering that:

Sharing our identity with who visits us may contribute to locally create new synergies and serve as a pilot project in the CT area, with the possibility of being replicated in other territories [...]. The promotion and dissemination of the project, particularly at the international level, will be a leverage for the entire project, not only due to the visibility that we may achieve but also for attracting the public to these activities (DB1, 2017).

In the intersection between the normative orientations and the intentionalities of the managers in the faceof the implementation of other development platforms, the practices surveyed on the field do not surpass the beliefs in economic growth, given they are anchored on underlying values - implicit, implied justifications and rationales that subsidize the understanding of the propositions - that determine the centrality in the development processes.

The underlying values give form to the pretensions of the political planning of development, and this allows a given interpretation of reality by means of discourses that conjugate unit and origin to the wordings, in the same focus and frame of coherence (FOUCAULT, 1996). In other terms, the disputes take place in all dimensions. However, the dynamic of power relations circumscribes to the political field, essential to establish how much and of what type of social, sustainable, and participative they are composed of within the articulations and agreements signed.

In the context of these territories, the community's participation is a key requisite for the success of local development via CE or CT. The community has under its keep the know-how (knowledge), doings (techniques), memory (mastery of the history), and identities (concrete experiences that format traditions), which must give, receive, retribute, and share specific knowledge (or keep secret, when i is the case), in the sense of the enigma of the gift (GODELIER, 2001).

The overlap among development, economy, and tourism preconizes employment and income generation. It assumes a set of principles guided by the autonomy of the work process, collective and solitary activities (associations, cooperatives, and popular movements), universal access to rights and assurances, participation, eligibility and representation, and transparency, mediated by community-based elaborations.

The bolder development perspectives assume to overcome economic growth idealizations. They present as a possibility for the mitigation of social exclusion, expressed in inequality of income and unemployment, through undisciplined conceptual paths that aim to render culture a powerful engine for overcoming the socioeconomic logic of the fighting of all against all.

6 Final Considerations

As stated in the introduction, the differences pointed out in the territories did not have the pretension of performing a compared investigation, the reason for the approach to take on an exploratory and panoramic nature, the reflection on which brought the challenge of correlating local development, CE, and CT, identifying the possible dialogues between the realities of the Microregion of Itajubá (Brazil) and the District of Braga (Portugal).

Setting aside the similarity of the language, religious festivals, edifications, and monuments, the differences in the social organization of the territories (political, economic, cultural, geographic,demographic, symbolic, moral) are reflected in the normative and discursive ways of the studied municipalities.

The elements of the history of the municipalities in the MRI and the DBG provide robustness to the pretensions of local development, translated into artifacts, techniques, knowledge, inclusions, and sharing that assume qualification of the processes of constituting economic outlines that involve communities, collectives, solidarities, exchanges, traditions, experiences, and places, preconizing culture as a central element to the transformation of small municipalities and rural areas, with an appeal to settling people in the territory.

In the approach to the territories, the distancing between what is instituted and practiced became evident, which does not inhibit promising examples of the political protagonist of the community ahead of such processes. In this sense, it is important to overcome the low participation of the community, the ideology of individualizing entrepreneurship, corporate formats of associations and cooperatives, the figure of the project manager in community settings, recipes for success as the only possibility, verticalization of the development initiatives, and lower interest of the public power in supporting the organization of social movements for generating income and employment.

The valuation of know-how, doings, traditions, and creativity connected to the dimensions of the location evince the development potential not as a regional totality of progress and industrial-technological strength, but due to the cultural particularities inscribed in the territories, which unites them and distinguishes some from others due to the identity similarities, exchanges, values, cultural standards, and interpersonal relations.

The rurality and community bonds, which are inherent to them, are repressed by the search for economic progress, limiting them as development potential. On the other hand, the culture transforms in an element of dispute in the power relations among market, state, political ideology, and development agents; yet, it favors the protagonism of the community as a vector of development through strategies that involve concerns with the social, sustainability, and income distribution. In general lines, the distancing between the idealized and the effected require from the locality and the communities many struggles, daily.

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