FASHION CONSUMPTION PRACTICES OF MILLENNIALS WOMEN: BETWEEN FAST AND SLOW FASHION

AS PRÁTICAS DE CONSUMO DE MODA DE MULHERES MILLENNIALS: ENTRE O FAST E O SLOW FASHION

MARIA KÉLVIA FERREIRA DE ARAÚJO kelviaaraujo.contato@gmail.com

Instituto Federal do Piauí, Brazil

RAFAEL FERNANDES DE MESQUITA rafael.fernandes@ifpi.edu.br

Instituto Federal do Piauí, Brazil

FÁTIMA REGINA NEY MATOS fneymatos@ismt.pt

Instituto Superior Miguel Torga, Portugal

MICHELE DO CARMO SOBREIRA michellesobreira@gmail.com

Centro Universitário Christus, Brazil

Fashion as consumption and production is characterized by its rapid and constant changes and, at the heart of large retail chains, it is associated with business models based on productive efficiency, cheaper pieces in a short time, use and disposal (Caliope & Lazarus, 2018). According to Ertekin and Atik (2015), it is also a system composed of people and organizations seeking to produce meanings and transmit cultures, as well as invent or promote reforms in cultural meanings.

Ertekin and Atik (2015) argue that from the 1940s onwards, the production of cheap and attractive clothing began, with the development of new production methods in the industry. Thus, fast fashion emerges, as a mass production of fashion, in which its image of speed is sustained by the ‘smoke screen’ of poor working conditions, environmental degradation in its production process and loss of added value to products, which become increasingly disposable (Clark, 2008). Stefko and Steffek (2018) argue that, despite these situations, fast fashion is an effective tool within the production chain system in terms of rapid response to the consumer, because as a consequence of economies of scale, prices fall and consumption increases (Hall, 2018).

The ephemeral nature of fast fashion has influenced a change in the way people around the world think about their production and consumption practices (Hall, 2018; Lipovetsky, 2009). This change in social behavior has been noticed, as people question the current way of consuming fashion (Ertekin & Atik, 2015) and provoke what has been called slow fashion - a model that seeks to offer a new paradigm of fashion consumption, based on up in ethics and sustainability. In this perspective, the consumer is concerned with the implications of fast fashion production in design, production, consumption and its disposal (Clark, 2008).

According to Silva and Figueiredo (2017, p.7) “practice is a repeated action that eventually becomes rooted in one’s way of thinking or cultural values”. And, for Lipovetsky (2009), it is necessary to move the investigation of fashion, since it acts in the expression of the individuality of each one, in their self-affirmation of the Self, allowing the creation of new signs that relate to economic, ideological, religious of the one who wants to transmit something. Bourdieu (1983a) argues that tastes are nothing more than practices, carried out by people or groups, meeting goods (objects) that meet what the subject seeks (taste).

In this perspective, based on the context of change presented, how is the adhesion of ‘practices’ of fashion consumption, considered as slow fashion, by young women, an age group included in the millennials classification? Would it be a transition from fast to slow? To answer these problems, the objective is to analyze the slow fashion consumption practices among the participants of this study, young women born between 1995 and 2000 (Díaz-Sarmiento, López-Lambraño & Roncallo-Lafont, 2017).

Practice-based studies (PBS) have aroused recent academic interest. Pierre Bourdieu presents the Theory of Practice in 1972, in his book “Esquisse d’une théorie de la pratique, precer de trois études d’ethnologie kabyle” (Sketch of a theory of practice), more recently followed by researchers such as Warde (2005), Røpke (2009), Shove and Walker (2010), Spaargaren (2011), Warde, Welch and Paddoock (2017), Caliope and Lázaro (2018). The cited studies seek to apply the Theories of Practice - TP, together with the analysis of forms of consumption (Caliope & Lazáro, 2018), contributing to the understanding of the latter. They can also help to understand the transition situation in the forms of fashion consumption, from fast to slow, and the particularities of young millennials.

This research has a qualitative approach and, in terms of its type, it is classified as exploratory, making use of the interview as a technique for collecting and analyzing content for data processing. The study is structured in: introduction, followed by the theoretical framework, which presents discussions about the Theories of Practice - TP and consumption practices; debates about fast and slow fashion and how millennial consumption practices have been discussed in the literature. The methodological procedures are presented after the reference, preceding the analysis and discussion of the results, ending with the conclusions, acknowledgments and the list of references used.

‘Practices’ are conceptualized as individual actions, which are rooted in habits and routines. They also relate to each other, which promotes their social order (Caliope & Lazaro, 2018; Warde, 2005; Warde, Welch & Paddoock, 2017). The definition of ‘Practice’ is conceptualized by Reckwitz (2002) as used to describe all human action, while ‘Practices’, as described in Theories of Practice - TP, have greater depth, involving elements that are connected, such as behavior, knowledge, mental and bodily activities, as well as motivation and emotions.

In this way, TP are based on the idea that activities take place continuously, making it possible to identify coordinated and interdependent groups, creating meaning for the practitioner. Studying this theory would be to analyze the complexity of relationships, social reproduction and changes (Caliope & Lazaro, 2018; Røpke, 2009). Studies on TP have been developed in areas such as Philosophy, Sociology, Anthropology, based on the already classic works of Bourdieu, Giddens, Foucault and Durkheim. For Warde, Welch and Paddoock (2017), due to the various aspects that differ in approach, it is difficult to say what theories of practice have in common. This is because practices are historically constructed, they encompass the characteristics of time, space and context in which they were developed, such as cultural traditions (Warde, 2005).

In this way, the TPs are formed within the social which, according to Reckwitz (2002, p.247) “can be found, so to speak, in the ‘head’ of human beings [...], then, is mental structures”. Pierre Bourdieu (1983) substantiates his theory that practices are the product between the dialectic of situation and habitus. Habitus are the schemas that precede the action of choice, where choices are based on the modus operandi, in which the individual has no conscious domain, and the situation reflects the structures that are at the heart of global society.

TPs seek to explain and understand how the action, founded by materials and meanings, is engaged in the daily life of those who perform them and the environment that surrounds them, which allows the interpretation of the world, of how certain forms and ways behave and correspond (Hargreaves , 2011; Reckwitz, 2002; Røpke, 2009). A practice can be understood as the everyday way in which bodies move, the mind works, subjects are debated, objects are presented and the world is understood. In this way, practices are carried out by different bodies, in different places and times, presenting a “social behavior” (Reckwitz, 2002).

Practices are embedded in human activity as a matrix that organizes and centralizes understanding (Warde, Welch & Paddoock, 2017), representing a pattern that can be filled by infinite single or multiple actions that constitute a practice (Reckwitz, 2002). Thus, because they are engaged in the daily lives of those who perform them, they may find themselves involved in activities such as consumption (Røpke, 2009). In this direction, it becomes possible to analyze the complexity of consumption from the perspective of PT, since this approach is useful when considering the relationships between social production and change (Caliope & Lázaro, 2018).

Reckwitz (2002) explains that practices are sets of habitual behaviors, bodily and mental at the same time. Thus an action must meet three interrelated criteria to be a practice. According to Schatzki, Cetina and Savigny (2005) and Reckwitz (2002) they are: i) material: body or structure that is the nature of action as a temporal code that can be broken when new events arise to perform bodily, mental activities and emotional; ii) meaning: mind, with formulated mental patterns; of a thing/object, elements necessary to carry out the practice; and iii) practical knowledge: knowledge, the particular way that each subject has of understanding the world; the language, the way of communicating.

Thus, the agent, the one who performs the practices, uses his know-how and motivation according to each specific practice (Reckwitz, 2002). Therefore, each practice implies the desire for something, the know-how and individual understanding in routine actions (Reckwitz, 2002). In this way, there is a ‘concrete’ practice when the three elements exist and are related, an ‘ex practice’ when the elements exist but are no longer related, and ‘proto-practices’ when the connection between the elements is still was not performed (Gomes & Silva, 2019).

With regard to practices and their relationship with consumption, it is understood that the latter is not a practice in itself, but corresponds to a moment that occurs within a practice. The practices are engaged in everyday life, in which the agent is involved in the appropriation of something for a purpose, such as goods, services, information or environments. Thus, most practices require or involve consumption, justifying the interest in applying the TPs in the analysis of consumption (Caliope & Lázaro, 2018; Warde, 2005; Røpke, 2009).

The body is an object that performs what the mind has prescribed (Reckwitz, 2002), which is linked to the unconscious deciphering operations within your mind (Bourdieu, 1983) and, therefore, challenges the understanding that the decision-making process consumer starts only from individual choices (Warde, Welch & Paddoock, 2017). Practices are developed within the encryption process, when symbolic facts and cultural objects pass through a learning channel and decryption occurs, which would be the repetition of this fact. They have a trajectory, a history (Bourdieu, 1983; Warde, 2005).

In this way, through TPs, we seek to understand the new directions that behaviors have taken at a global level, given that practices consider collective and individual identity for pro-environmental consumption behavior (Hargreaves, 2011; Røpke , 2009; Spaargaren, 2011; Warde, Welch & Paddoock, 2017). The transition to sustainable consumption requires structural changes in society and discussions on the subject argue that sustainable development can lead to the ‘sacrifice’ of having to decrease consumption (Shove & Walker, 2010).

The fashion industry currently relies on fast consumption, use and disposal (Caliope & Lázaro, 2018). However, this reality has been changing towards slower consumption, based not only on consuming products more slowly, but also on the impacts of production on the environment, community and workers (Ertekin & Atik, 2015). The reflection is in line with the argument that consumption is not stable and is subject to social changes. Researchers have sought to study their changes from the perspective of ‘Practices’, since “as studies of consumption began to recognise more roles for the body, habits and material devices, the categories of structuration theory had decreasing purchase” (Warde , Welch & Paddoock, 2017, p. 4).

With the development of the debate on environmental sensitivity in the mid-1980s, people began to realize how consumption has affected the environment, since the fashion industry is associated with the exploitation of natural and human resources (Ertekin & Atik, 2015). Then, the potential products of slow consumption emerge, creating a new concept of aesthetics within fashion that is based on sensory, abstract and emotional factors, in addition to immediate visual perception (Clark, 2008).

In this way, sustainable consumption aligned with sustainable development seeks to promote a better quality of life, minimizing harmful effects on the environment. Design models that pursue this ideal think of new ways to align fashion with sustainability, which has strong connections to a slower approach (Clark, 2008). Adopting this perspective, questions arise such as: would slow fashion, in addition to being attractive to customers, become commercially viable (Štefko & Steffek, 2018)? Given their variety of business models, does this viability extend from sustainable new products to second-hand and vintage works (Hall, 2018)?

3.2 The Slow Fashion

With the critical perception of the disadvantages created by fast fashion, in 2006, in the city of Milan, the “Slow Design Manifesto” was launched in a symposium on slow design (Clark, 2008). This approach comes with a perspective of slowness, in which one must have time to produce, appreciate and cultivate quality. It seeks to include consumers as co-producers in the chain. They buy less, but assess the added value as greater, as the design allows for a productive interaction, in which bonds are created between designers, producers, clothes and users (Clark, 2008; Ertekin & Atik, 2015).

Slow fashion is presented as an emerging alternative fashion market, which seeks to be local, developing projects based on local realities, such as the case of Coopa-Roca, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (Clark, 2008). “Slow fashion emphasizes balance” (Ertekin & Atik, 2015, p.57) and is described as the manufacture of clothes locally, with the idea of fair and sustainable trade, in which designers develop products from recycled fabrics, or unusual materials. It is still unclear whether this business trend will face the fast fashion dominance market (Ertekin & Atik, 2015; Štefko & Steffek, 2018), since it is a small-scale production (Hall, 2018). It is worth highlighting the debate between fast and slow for the variety of prices, since financial factors exert a strong influence on fashion consumption, one of the main advantages of the first and which also makes the transition to the second become complex and difficult.

The three pillars of slow fashion were presented at the “Slow Design” symposium. The first pillar emphasizes local design and production and its objective is to promote the encouragement of diversified and innovative business models, under the ecological, social and cultural dimensions. The second addresses the creation of transparent products, that is, it seeks to promote the creation of bonds through the recognition of the needs for what is being created. The third is based on the production of sustainable and sensorial objects, which are seen as an investment and not something disposable. The pieces are part of an experience in the life of those who consume and their useful life is more valued (Clark, 2008; Ertekin & Atik, 2015).

Figure 1
Representation of axes and Practices
Source: Elaborated by the authors based on Clark (2008), Ertekin and Atik (2015) and Štefko and Steffek (2018)

Although the argument of functional longevity and pieces as timeless “investment” to attract change in consumer behavior do not make the movement present enough depth to overthrow fast fashion (Clark, 2008; Štefko & Steffek, 2018), the slow has attracted attention and interested audiences. The Figure 1 presents the axes and practices of slow fashion. The practices identified are associated within each of its pillars, and practices that characterize them were associated.

Due to different positions in the academic literature, it can be said that millennials are those born between the early 1980s and early 21st century (Dias-Sarmiento, Lópes-Lambraño & Roncallo-Lafont, 2017; Vojvodić, Šošić & Žugić, 2018). These are people aged between 19 and 40, characterized by their strong affinity for technology and having grown up in the age of the internet, rapid technological advances and social networks (Díaz-Sarmiento, López-Lambraño & Roncallo-Lafont, 2017). Millennials have “has a tremendous impact of the world economy because of the number of its representatives and increasing purchasing power, so it has been transforming into the biggest consumer segment throughout history” (Yazici, 2016, p. 291).

Millennials relate to consumption differently than other groups as they research, contact and shop online. They also show interest in participating in the creative process, along with the brands they love (Hernández, 2018). Their purchasing behavior is influenced by social factors, related to the feeling of accomplishment, as well as the concern with the attitude (credibility) of the brand (Vojvodić, Šošić & Žugić, 2018). Due to globalization, they seek multicultural experiences, as they are open to diversity and more detached from politics and religion (Díaz-Sarmiento, López-Lambraño & Roncallo-Lafont, 2017).

Other characteristics central to the age group are its postmodern culture, less distinction of gender boundaries, and high online connectivity (Barska, 2018). Their different way of thinking and acting has aroused the interest of companies and researchers: “they want to change the world, be more correct, more honest, greener, more organic, more successful, it seems that they enter to compete to be better than their parents” (Sarmiento, López-Lambraño & Roncallo-Lafont, 2017, p. 198). Because they were born in a time marked by ideas such as “sustainability”, “fair trade”, “authenticity” by “organic” and “artisanal”, most millennials opt for a more modest lifestyle (Yazici, 2016). Thus, understanding how millennials consume through their habits and desires to be more sustainable can be a useful model for designers, manufacturers, distributors and retailers in the fashion industry (Hernández, 2018).

In the fashion industry, these behaviors are reflected in attitudes that approach the definition of slow fashion, even though fast is still maintained in their consumption habits. To answer environmental and social questions raised by millennials, Marques, Marques and Ferreira (2020) present the need for new business models based on circular economy approaches, to meet what they call “Homus Sustentabilis”, the main actor in Industry 4.0. There is, therefore, the challenge for the clothing industry to align sustainability, social responsibility with fair trade, that is, without harming workers and the environment, working with organic and biodegradable products (Su et al., 2019).

It is therefore recommended that the discussion of these aspects should go beyond the academy, as the sustainability project has to be applied within the industrial system in product design, process, network design, relationships and in a new standard. consumption (Marques, Marques & Ferreira, 2020). Interest in sustainable production is already identified in the USA and China (Su et al., 2019) and, in southern Europe, “green, slow and eco design” is already integrated into professional training courses (Marques, Marques & Ferreira, 2020). They are green products, manufactured with a reduced amount of material, recyclable and that do not affect animal or plant life, using as little natural resources as possible for their production (Průša & Sadílek, 2019).

The studies developed from the TPs seek to “move beyond dominant dualisms, such as the structure-actor opposition in sociology” (Røpke, 2009, p. 2490), an approach that aligns with the qualitative tradition of social research (Mesquita & Matos, 2014; Bauer & Gaskell, 2012). As for the objective, this is characterized as exploratory, which according to Severino (2007), seeks to gather information about a certain object (millennial consumption practices), thus delimiting a field of work, mapping the conditions of its manifestation. Interviews were used as a data collection technique, since the open style of this instrument allows the researcher a wealth of information, in addition to allowing the classification and ordering of questions in an interactive, direct and flexible way, recognizing the pragmatic character of the subjects and their social and individual practices (Godoi, Bandeira-De-Melo & Silva, 2010).

In order to choose the participants, the following inclusion criteria were defined: young women, since they “look for exclusive clothes that express their individuality and social identity” (Crane, 2013, p. 327); classified as millennials based on their age (Díaz-Sarmiento, López-Lambraño & Roncallo-Lafont, 2017), and who performed a remunerated activity, since products made slowly tend to have higher prices (Ertekin & Atik, 2015). The interview was applied to young women living in the city of Teresina - PI, which has 814,230 inhabitants (IBGE, 2017) and a high concentration of women aged between 20 and 24 years. The interviewees were located intentionally through the social network Instagram, given their possible social interactions and market relationships (Mesquita et al., 2017), since one of the characteristics of millennials is their high online connectivity (Barska, 2018).

For the interviews, a semi-structured script was prepared from the study of the consumption characteristics of the millennial age group and fast and slow fashion products. The script had five open and guiding questions, and was applied to six participants who met the pre-established requirements. Data collection took place during the month of March 2020. The interviews took place by telephone, respecting the recommendations of the World Health Organization during the COVID-19 pandemic, and were recorded and lasted an average of one hour, ending after the perception of the saturation of the answers.

For data processing, an analysis of the content obtained in the interviews was carried out and organized after successive readings of the transcript of the material. According to Bardin (2002), the content analysis technique consists of describing the contents in a categorized way, in which the data undergo a classification sieve using the inference method, followed by a coding or record from the cut that was delimited, classifying the elements in a way that makes sense, obeying rules such as: homogeneity, exhaustion, exclusivity, and valid content. The results of this analysis brought for discussion in the light of the literature addressed in the framework are presented in the following section.

Initially, in this section, general data of the participants and their perceptions regarding their consumption of fashion are presented. Then, the ‘practices’ are presented and analyzed from the perspective of the studied literature.

The interviewees were aged between 21 and 25 years old, of which three had a higher education degree, two had a higher education degree and a technical degree. The interviewees were coded in order to remain anonymous during the exposition of excerpts from their speeches. The letter “E” was chosen, followed by the numbering to identify the interviews, as seen in table 1.

Table 1
Demographic profile of the interviewees

Source: Research (2022)

Table 2
Relationship between observed consumption practices vs. proposed practices

Source: Research (2022)

For the analysis, a table was prepared considering the concept of slow fashion presented in the first column. In the next column there is the proposal of each of the pillars that support it, followed by practices proposed by slow. It is possible to verify the types of practices proposed within each pillar in Table 2 and, in the last column of the table, the consumption practices observed in the interviews are indicated.

6.1 1st Pillar: design and local production

In the practices observed in the 1st pillar, consumption is concentrated in large national retail chains. When considering this consumption, paying attention to the TPs, the following can be identified as material: shopping malls and downtown stores; the meaning considers factors such as price and ease access, and practical knowledge in the convenience of well-known brands. One of the models that provide for a concrete operation to carry out the practice through an innovative, diversified and ecological business was the consumption of second-hand and/or vintage items (Table 3). The material identified corresponds to thrift stores. Its meaning for the interviewees assumes that the pieces are not disposable, and the act of buying is seen as a positive action for the environment, since the textile industry is one of the most polluting in the world (Caliope & Lazáro, 2019). Practical knowledge is aligned with the low cost of acquiring the items, despite being prejudiced by previous generations, such as the mothers of the participants.

Table 3
Consumption practice through second-hand and vintage product

Source: Research (2020)

For them, consuming in thrift stores or vintage stores configures, in addition to the financial issue, a meaning about clothes being seen as a use of resources, having a useful life, and that their disposal represents an unnecessary waste of material and labor. Through the repair, reuse and recycling of parts, it is possible to achieve financial and environmental savings, leading to an increase in the useful life of the parts, corroborating Ertekin and Atik (2015) informing that the interviewees do not see immediate problems in consuming, as it is cheaper and helps the environment. The connections of the practice exist, but it is not a substitute for the fashion system, as they do not always find pieces that meet their tastes, or that serve specific occasions, which makes them continue shopping at large retailers in malls or downtown stores.

The second model found is through clothing rentals (table 4). The rental stores are used as material and consumption is linked to a search for the reduction of consumerism and the accumulation of unnecessary items for the interviewees. Specifically, rentals focus on more elaborate pieces of clothing that they would only wear once. Some pointed out that they could have the parts made, but in order not to accumulate, they opt for rent. Štefko and Steffek (2018) verify a decrease in consumption in slow fashion consumers, resulting from a prior purchase planning. In the second model, there are elements of reflection by the interviewees about a consumption concerned with the accumulation of pieces that will not be used as often. E4 declared the absence of rental stores with versatile pieces, for everyday use in their city. According to the interviewee, these business models can be found in cities in the south of the country, showing interest in consuming such products.

Table 4
Realization of consumption practice through clothing rental

Source: Research (2022)

Table 5
Clothing exchanges/loans

Source: Research (2022)

The third model found within the 1st pillar was the exchange and loan of clothes (Table 5). A physical structure (store) was not identified for carrying out the practice and the material consists of exchanges through social ties (family and friends), while practical knowledge is based on trust between the parties, with regard to the care of the pieces, and means a solution to consumerism and waste. Although the three constituent elements of the ‘practice’ were identified, a fear for its realization is perceived through the speeches. For E1 and E3, their family principles consider it inappropriate to promote this practice, even among relatives. The others saw no problem in performing it, as long as between family members and friends who are careful with the pieces. If there was a place responsible for promoting exchanges in a safe way, this could be a way to facilitate the implementation of the model, which can be considered in its current state as a proto-practice.

6.2 2nd Pillar: the creation of transparent products

Transparent products are those that allow an interaction between those who buy and those who produce, since their origin is clear and open (Clark, 2008) so the customer acts as a co-author, knowing the history of the piece within the productive chain. Through this research, it was found that the interviewees look for low-cost clothes (material), they say they are unaware of the origin of the items purchased at large retailers (meaning), associated with the convenience of obtaining the pieces (practical knowledge). According to Clark (2008) they are transparent production systems: small industries, sewing and handicrafts. And, although fast fashion prevails, it was verified the adoption of two models by the surveyed ones, sewing (table 6) and handicraft (table 7).

Table 6
Smaller-scale companies and local practices

Source: Research (2022)

The exclusivity, control over the model, colors and prints are motivators to manufacture clothes through local seamstresses (material). Making their clothes awakens a special meaning to the interviewees, who feel like co-authors, developing appreciation for the items created. According to them, for its realization, a reliable seamstress (practical knowledge) is necessary. Globalization marked the change in the fashion market. Before, creations were seen as art - which can still be easily observed with the artistic concept still validated in the so-called haute couture market - but competition for space and marketshare made fashion move from exclusivity and manual production to ready-to-wear, that is, the industrial production and commercialization of products on a large scale (Crane, 2013). Despite the change, the demand for exclusive, individualized and handcrafted pieces, such as home sewing, is still maintained by millennials in this research, presenting the three constituent elements of the practice in TPs.

The previous results are closely associated with the second practice identified within the 2nd pillar, the consumption of fashion made using manual skills. The material found was handicrafts and it contains crochet, lace and stamping, products presented as consumed by the interviewees. For them, buying handmade clothes means valuing regionality, recognizing the workmanship and creativity used in the piece. They claim to know that they are unique and exclusive pieces and the practical knowledge for consumption lies in recognizing the value behind the items and, therefore, they know that they need to pay more for such products. For E1 and E4, the practice of consuming handcrafted items is still undervalued and, according to E2, people check the price and forget about the work that was used, without industrial machinery, without scale production. Even knowing that these clothes last longer, as they are made with more care, E6 states that she would buy more if the price were more affordable (Table 7).

It is then time to reflect on the slow fashion concept itself. If price is a factor that slows down consumption, but is not so decisive in the purchase attitude according to the value added to the product, this would be a practice that contributes to the perspective of conscious consumption. This interpretation is due to the greater care observed in the production and choice of the piece that, as it is more durable, would also occupy the consumer’s arsenal of fashion products for a longer time. Slow brings the proposal for the rebirth of manual activities (Ertekin & Atik, 2015) and millennials grew up in a period of history marked by the worldview of valuing terms such as “artisanal and authentic” (Yazici, 2013). Although they do not consume as often, due to the cost, they buy these products for their exclusivity, durability and that represent their regionality, a matter of identification. Thus, it is considered that this would be a concrete practice.

Table 7
Use of manual skills

Source: Research (2022)

6.3 3rd Pillar: sustainable and sensory products

Within the 3rd pillar of slow fashion, it is sought that the pieces are part of an experience in the lives of those who consume and, thus, their useful life becomes more valued. In this way, a model of consumption practice reproduced by the interviewees was identified, the consumption of versatile pieces (table 8). They indicate that they plan before buying a piece of clothing, that is, they think about versatility when buying pieces so as not to accumulate clothes in the wardrobe. It becomes a matter of saving resources and also of concern for the environment.

The ‘versatile’ clothing items were identified as material for this practice. Pieces that can be used in different situations, when combined with others, different shoes and accessories. Clothing consumption is represented by the meaning of transforming the pieces and, for E2, “it’s like having three pieces in one”. The practical knowledge is given in the purchase planning, aligned with the knowledge of parts that they already have and that can be combined.

Table 8
Parts are part of an experience in life and their useful life is more valued

Source: Research (2022)

The slow fashion within its pillars brings terms such as “ecological”, “transparent” and “sustainable”. The interviewees were asked about the consumption of products made from recycled material, but no existing material was identified. According to the interviewees, none of them know of stores in their city that work with this type of product. Despite the lack of material and practical knowledge, they showed a curious interest in such products and stated that buying these products would have a lot of meaning. E2 stated that it is clothing that “is worth investing in” and E4, E5 and E6 stated that it means worrying about the future, with the issue of the accumulation of garbage and the pollution generated by the fashion industry. These codes can be interpreted as meaning within a practice, that is, despite their intangibility, meanings constitute an action, event or even an identity (Schatzki, Cetina & Savigny, 2005).

Table 9
Recycling

Source: Research (2022)

Ertekin and Atik (2015) listed products made in a recycled way within the slow practices. However, it was observed that this practice cannot be reproduced by the interviewees, since only three components of the practice have meaning. However, interest can lead them to consumption (practical knowledge), if the material is introduced into the market. Because they have a higher level of education, social and environmental concerns, millennials have a “greener” vision in order to guide the purchase of products (Molinillo, Vidal-Branco & Japutra, 2020), which positively influences this process.

The objective of this work was to analyze the slow fashion consumption practices among young women, with an age group included in the millennial classification. From the discussion developed, an assiduous consumption was identified within the large fast fashion retail, due to factors such as low prices, convenience and easy access. However, the interviewees showed positioning trends for the consumption of slow products. For them, despite the price being an influencing factor, they are willing to pay more for products that represent and defend the environment, animals and better working conditions in production.

Based on the information, it was identified that the consumption of the interviewed women, a group with age characteristics of millennials, is centered on large national retailers, that the company’s transparency is not a motivating factor for purchase, and that they plan their purchases based on the your need, in price and quality. Although there are potentially other factors that influence the purchase decision, such as income, for example, they still tend to practice slow, since they consume in thrift stores and vintage stores, rent and exchange pieces, order clothes from home seamstresses and buy handicrafts, in addition to buying wild pieces and showing interest in social, environmental and labor issues.

It is concluded that fast fashion so far is the concrete and hegemonic practice of fashion consumption, and it is not possible to view it as an ex-practice, since the three criteria are still connected. As for slow, it is in a proto-practice state, the criteria are identified, but all connections have not yet been made. Thus, given the model listed in Figure 01, it was identified that the first pillar has thrift stores, rental stores and clothing exchanges. In the second are homemade sewing and handcrafted items, and in the third, the consumption of versatile items.

As a research contribution, firstly, the academic stands out through the understanding of new consumption practices by millennials, considering emerging practices of sustainable consumption and a discussion situated in the TP. Second, the managerial contribution, which is a consequence of the previous one, since the results found can be used by companies that seek to understand millennial consumers, in the development of marketing strategies to attract the group, for the creation of new production systems for the fashion in industry 4.0, as well as contributing to society by showing alternative consumption models aligned with socio-environmental issues. As limiting factors of the study, the research restricted to an age and gender group stands out, which can be extended in future investigations, within a larger classification, involving other genders and other sociodemographic characteristics. In addition, the study’s contributions expand to the discussion of new models, emerging or not, of sustainable consumption practices, a growing discussion.