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INTRODUCTION

The Brazilian urban network has changed intensely since the 1950s when it was a “sparse, coastaland disarticulated nuclear configuration”. After that period, different sized urban locations from all overthe territory were incorporated into it, based on the newly available road network that connected distantplaces in the country (MARTINE et al.1988,p.19).

The Amazon is one of these far off areas, which were incorporated in this process, as a result of aset of federal government actions (Becker, 1985) promoting industrial and agricultural activities thatencouraged migration to this Region after the 1970s, as discussed by Martine and Turchi (1988, p. 161).Thus, an intensification of the urbanization process erupted in the Region, which, after 1980, wascharacterized as “[an] urbanized forest” (BECKER, 1985).

This urbanization process “broke Belém’s prevalence in the Arc of Deforestation or DenseSettlement” and “(...) several cities with a population between fifty and one hundred thousandinhabitants were formed in the vicinity of Belém, along the Belém-Brasília Highway, in Rondônia andMato Grosso” (BECKER, 2013, p.47). Becker (2013) states that the Amazon has a greater expression inits small urban centers, where indigenous, caboclo, and, indeed, riverine culture and knowledge persist.These small towns predominate and are considered cities despite their lack of basic infrastructure andtheir inefficiency in generating economic resources (BECKER, 2005). They are small urban centers,with fewer than twenty thousand inhabitants, with “little or no infrastructure, whose economic base isthe transfer of public resources and, although they have a city structure, they lack urban economicactivities” (OLIVEIRA, 2006).

Cities with less than twenty thousand inhabitants preponderate in the Amazon Region andaccording to the 2010 Census, they accounted for more than 60% of the total cities in the Region. Theyare the result of changes over the past forty years, as is exemplified by the cities in the Amazon Delta.Costa and Brondizio (2011) point out that the cities located along the Amazon River floodplain have ahistory of over 300 years of urban and economic dynamics.

Understanding the urban dynamics in the contemporary Amazon, which are alsosocio-environmental changes, means that attention needs to be paid to the relationships created by therural-urban continuum and the relationships in the regional urban system. For Padoch et al. (2008), theextension of social and family relationships form a continuum between rural-urban spaces.

Given these discussions, it is clear that it is no longer possible to understand these urban spacessolely through the concepts conceived under the logic of the capitalist system of central areas, such asSoutheastern Brazil. Instead, it is necessary to consider that the reality of these riverine places presentsanother urbanity. There are structural problems in these urban spaces in the Delta. However, asexplained by Oliveira and Schor (2008), there is always hope on the other side of the river, which drivesthese cities’ dynamics and gives rise to the ribeirurbano’s identity.

Therefore, this article aims to present an analysis of the dynamics of small cities in the AmazonRiver Delta, including their history, recent urban growth, and investments in infrastructure, based on thestudy of three cities: Afuá and Ponta de Pedras, in the state of Pará, and Mazagão, in the state of Amapá.The concept of urbanity is addressed taking the concept of the ribeirurbano as the starting point of thediscussion.

METHODOLOGY

This research was developed using aerial photographs obtained in 1969, and satellite images fromdifferent sensor systems, acquired between 1984 and 2010, in different months. The images for eachyear were selected to map the urban area of the cities studied and to quantify urban growth. In addition,census data on the number of inhabitants for the years 1980, 1991, 2000 and 2010 were employed toassist in assessing the cities’ population growth.

Urban residents in the three focal cities of this research responded to a questionnaire designed toassess their socioeconomic profile, the infrastructure available to them, and their access to services. Thesamples of the urban households in each city were carried out according to the method proposed by Krejcie and Morgan (1970), thus the number of households sampled by census sector in each city was around 10% of the total existing households.

This research was submitted to the Ethics Committee of the University of Vale do Paraíba andwas approved under number 69815317.8.0000.5503. Taking the number of urban households disclosedin the 2010 population census into consideration, the questionnaires were completed in July 2016, July2017 and July 2018, covering 883 urban households: 311 in Afuá, 262 in Mazagão, and 301 in Ponta dePedras.

THE SMALL CITIES OF THE AMAZON AND THEIRCHALLENGES FOR ANOTHER URBANITY

Some authors view small cities as those capable of meeting minimum needs (SPÓSITO andSILVA, 2013). Actually, they play an important role in the dynamics of a network and the group ofcities in this dynamic has the potential to make a difference in the Region. According to Endlich (2016,p. 15), despite their small spatial character, they have political, social and cultural possibilities. Thus,this urban needs to be understood in light of these possibilities and their social constructions.

Sawyer (1987, p.43) explains that despite their size, small cities, with less than twenty thousandinhabitants, have important urban functions at the local level, as they offer opportunities to thepopulation in their surroundings. In the Amazon Region, these places have more than mere demographicfeatures. As Oliveira (2004) points out, they articulate poorly with the surrounding cities; they havealmost zero economic activities and most employment is in public services; there is a low capacity tooffer services, especially basic ones, linked to health, education, and security; and overall, ruralactivities predominate.

These cities’ landscape has strong natural features and social relations that are produced andreproduced, created and recreated by both exogenous agents and the culture of the riverine populationsthemselves (OLIVEIRA, 2004). Consequently, the population is accustomed used to living with theessential products of the forest and they have also created a culture through the habits and customs thathave been formed over time. These riverine populations experience a reality of abandonment concerningpublic investments and the implementation of public policies; however, they have developed livingconditions and survival strategies like those of the poor located in rural areas, even within the urbanareas of cities (TAVARES, 2009).

These behaviors coexist with strong links to riverside life, giving a peculiar character to theAmazon Region. Life is associated with nature’s tempo, the tidal flows and their urban setting, inheritedfrom different eras and resulting in three spatial patterns. According to Trindade Jr et al. (2008), theseare the riverine (directly or indirectly influenced by the river), the spontaneous (without any referentialorientation due to the random construction that followed the needs and interests of spatial appropriationof its different agents) and the pre-defined (usually public or private subdivisions). Identity is linkedwith the place, of which the river is part and includes various interactions between the inhabitants andthe watercourses: domestic use, source of material resources, leisure, and symbolic representation.(TRINDADE JUNIOR et. al., 2008, p. 39).

THE CITIES OF THE FOREST, URBANITY AND THERIBEIRURBANO

Certain authors have called the cities of the Amazon ‘cities of the forest’ (BROWDER andGODFREY, 1997; CASTRO, 2009), which are typically small cities that combine a rural way of lifewith a rhythm and dependence on forest resources. Such cities have established direct contacts withother nearby cities - towns, villages, and riverine communities (TRINDADE JR, 2013). They areexamples of the interactions between local culture and rural life, where the economic bases depend onthe local and regional scales. In this sense, these “forest cities” are usually small and lack modernization,with a very uneven economic and territorial reality compared to other Brazilian cities. For Trindade Jr(2013), “cities in the forest” are characterized by how they articulate with areas outside the Region andestablish links unconnected to forest resources. Their customs or ways of urban life are a form of denialof their former reality, which was directly linked to the caboclo’s customs and traditions. The “forest” space has become a means of exploring wood, minerals, fragrances, species, fauna and flora, andtourism, among others.

The landscapes of these small towns have different stages that designate the structuring agents’actions and retain similarities. They are strongly marked by social relations, which give them a uniquemeaning. Nature is remarkable and privileged, but its real existence is given through these socialrelationships, and so the natural “fades and what remains is artificially constructed” (OLIVEIRA andSCHOR, 2008, p. 19).

According to Trindade Junior (2010), even though the Amazon Forest is considered an urbanizedforest, since the 1980s (BECKER, 1985), there has been proximity between urban and rural in theRegion that makes distinctions difficult. In this sense, the social, economic and geographical dynamicsof each city must be considered.

When discussing this urban aspect of the Amazon, Trindade Junior (2013) highlights and suggestssome city patterns in the region, for example, the riverine city, the highway city, and the company city.According to the author, these cities have an “urban-diversity” that represents both the cities themselvesand the diverse urban areas in the region. This urban diversity plays an important regional role butfrequently its singularities are not captured by studies. How these cities articulate goes beyond localactivity, becoming not only strategic but also “logistic cities” that aggregate the economic relationslinked to extra-regional activities (TRINDADE JR, 2013).

These small riverine towns, which are and/or “of the forest”, have small populations but are largein terms of their importance in the local urban network. Their ways of life give them a unique urbanity,between needs and virtualities. In this article, “Urbanity” is defined as the quality or condition of theurban being, and refers to life in the city, namely, the quality of life in the city, as discussed by Ribeiro(1995).

Ribeiro (1995) argues that the Brazilian urbanization process has produced urbanization withouturbanity, as social exclusion has been reinforced and access to services and infrastructure is far fromsatisfactory. The author also comments that “urban Brazil is also one of the regions far away from thearea that has historically concentrated modernization processes” (RIBEIRO, 1995, p.576). For theauthor, Brazilian society has structural problems, which need to be considered, as

How can the threats of increasing levels of exclusion, carried by the current modernization projects, be facedin social realities with intense modernity deficits, that is, of normative rationality in economic and socialrelations? (RIBEIRO, 1995, p. 559).

Léfèbvre (2001) believes that a possible way to build citizenship lies in the direction of “a newhumanism”, by establishing “another man, the man of urban society.” Ribeiro (1995, p.585) explainsthat a new urbanity of cooperation must be proposed, which, according to the author, “could stimulatethe diffusion of a new urban development ideal and help to clearly discern the forms of investment andfinancing of services and equipment of real interest to Brazilian society”.

We also believe that this other urbanity can be established by this cooperativism, by the socialnetworks that are still very present in small cities, especially the riverine Amazon. In this manner, thepopulation’s participation helps to build more unique cities, transforming them into places ofpossibilities. As Oliveira (2006) points out, “it is necessary to cross the river, because there is alwayshope on the other side”. This hope makes these cities breathe another urbanity.

Thus, social space, economic activities, and family relationships have an existential relationshipthat, despite not denying the exogenous, comprises a dynamic marked by peculiarities that need to beconsidered in the context of regional development, such as those found in the cities of Afuá, Ponta dePedras and Mazagão.

The ribeirurbano, therefore, has an existential relationship in which the various aspects of theriver are part: contemplation, legends, stories, beliefs, a path, economic activities, family relationships,contacts, access, and opportunities

In this sense, the ribeirurbano is an identity that does not deny the exogenous but has a life projectlinked to the place. Lima (2017) indicates the strong relationship between the inhabitant and the location. It is this particularity, of a daily life that evokes the return: those who leave to work or to studyoutside take their habits with them and many return to their land, as a commitment to contribute to theircity. It is part of a mosaic of small towns in the Amazon, multicolored amid the river and the forest.

THE CITIES OF AFUÁ, MAZAGÃO AND PONTA DEPEDRAS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE DELTA -ANOTHER URBANITY

According to the DELTAS Project (2014), for study purposes, the Amazon River Delta regionincludes 49 municipalities, nine of which are located in the state of Amapá and 40 in the state of Pará. Inthe last three decades, the urbanization process in this region has been intense and it is clear that the usevalue of this natural environment has been compromised. Cities with less than 20 thousand inhabitantspredominate (68%), and 86% of all the cities in this area have less than 50 thousand inhabitants.

The way of life of a significant portion of the population that inhabits these environments issubject to the most diverse natural risks (landslides, floods, erosions) and diseases from unsanitaryconditions. These factors simultaneously lead to socio-spatial segregation and are reflected in an unequalsociety (LEFF, 2002, p. 15-16).

The cities of Ponte de Pedras and Afuá, located in the state of Pará, and Mazagão, in the state ofAmapá, are inserted in this context of small cities and are the focal study of the present research (Figure1). These three small towns are representative of the diversity of small towns in the Delta: cities with aneconomy supported by forest resources, a predominance of the service sector, and high employment inthe public sector. Due to their locations and characteristics, these cities allow us to understand the“urban-diversity” (TRINDADE JR, 2013) in the Delta and the possibilities of resilience

The formation of these cities is related to the colonial period, but they were recognized as cities inthe nineteenth century. Ponta de Pedras was founded by Law 886, of April 18, 1877 (PEREIRA, 2013), Afuá was erected as a village in 1890, and became a city, in 1896 (LOMBA E NOBRE JR, 2013), andMazagão, which emerged from the migration of 436 families from Morocco to the Amazon in 1769,encouraged by the Portuguese crown, (BOYER, 2008, p. 13). This small settlement, which was formedin Amapá, had its headquarters transferred to another place, a few kilometers from the original site, and,according to Boyer (2008), in 1888 it was promoted to the status of a city.

The municipality of Ponta de Pedras is located on Marajó Island and, according to the 2010Census data (IBGE, 2017), it had 25,999 inhabitants in 2010. The inhabitants of the urban areacorresponded to 48% of the total inhabitants. The Municipality of Afuá is located in Marajó Bay, on thenorthern channel of the mouth of the Amazon River.

According to the 2010 Census, it had a population of 35,042 thousand inhabitants and 27% werethe urban population. The municipality of Mazagão, located forty-five kilometers to the south of the cityof Macapá, capital of the state of Amapá, had 17,032 inhabitants, in 2010, with 48% of the total in theurban area.

These three cities (Figure 2), administrative headquarters of municipalities of the same name, areriverine. Like many cities in the Amazon, they emerged on the banks of the rivers and their populationstill maintains a strong bond to the waters of these rivers, both in terms of income generation, fromfishing or extraction of products from the floodplain forest, and their residence in that environment, asnoted by Trindade Jr (2008) and Oliveira (2006).

Living on the banks and floodplains of the rivers is an important part of the life of this riversidepopulation, supported by the acquisition of small boats that give these residents mobility and which areoften the principal or only means of transport in these regions. Figure 2 shows photographs of thelandscape of these three cities, highlighting some main aspects: firstly the rivers, which border the citiesand which are intrinsically part of residents’ lives, as is the case of Afuá and Ponta de Pedras, althoughcurrently less so in Mazagão.

There are unfinished works in Mazagão, which were only delivered many years after they werestarted. Afuá has a distinctive and colorful architecture and in Afuá and Ponta de Pedras bridges windthrough the cities and give singularity to the riverine landscape. Also, there is a simultaneous downtownarea with poorly maintained streets, as is the example of Ponta de Pedras.

The city of Ponta de Pedras can only be accessed by boat from Belém. This two-hour trip used totake three and a half hours, four years ago. It is a city of várzea and terra firma, considering that thereare still places in the city accessed by bridges, which are found in the urban várzea (VALOTA, 2019), aswell as neighborhoods in non-flooded areas, considered terra firma.

The city of Mazagão, located in the state of Amapá, is 60 minutes from the capital, Macapá, andcan be accessed by the highway. Four years ago, a bridge was built over the Vila Nova river, whichprecedes the city entrance.

This structure made road access easier and has created a new growth dynamic for the city, whoseeconomy is strongly connected to the production of açaí.

The population of these cities is riverine, and they are typically forest cities (TRINDADE JR.,2013), that is, they have an interdependent relationship with the natural resources that are important fortheir residents’ survival.

Between 1984 and 2010, the urban areas of these cities grew significantly. Mazagão’s area grewjust over 300%, Afuá, grew more than 450%, and Ponta de Pedras’ area increased 180% over thisperiod, Figure 3 shows the difference in the growth intensity for the three cities, based on the mapsalone.

This urban growth is associated with rural-urban migration, due to the intensification of açaíproduction in these municipalities. According to IBGE (2017), for example, Afuá, Mazagão, and Pontastand out as important producers of this fruit.

The graph in Figure 4 evidences the relationship between the growth, in area, of the three cities,the urban population, and the available infrastructure for urban households.

Regarding access to the general water supply network, we observed that, according to IBGE(2017), in 2000, 28%, 85% and 74% of urban households in Mazagão, Afuá, and Ponta de Pedras,respectively, were connected to the mains water network. In 2010, these figures had changed to 41%,84%, and 74.5%, respectively for Mazagão, Afuá, and Ponta de Pedras.

This information indicates that despite the increase in the number of urban households with accessto the water and sewage infrastructure, this increase did not meet the population’s needs. Thus, theresidents of these cities, and several others in the Amazon River Delta, continue to be deprived of accessto those basic services that help provide a better quality of life.

Urban growth, which reflects the appreciation of açaí, attracted people to the cities in search ofbetter public services, but that is not reflected in the quality of access to these services.

The results obtained in 2013 and 2017 show that access to these services was unchanged.According to the table, it appears that access to the water supply system has improved in all three cities.However, the number of households connected to the general sewage network has not changed anddomestic effluents are discharged into streams or septic tanks.

Figure 5 shows the reality of these locations, where the right to clean water, a basic need tomaintain the population’s health and quality of life, is denied.

The questionnaires applied to urban households in the three cities studied, evidenced that theurban economy’s dependence on forest resources is no longer the main income generation activity ofurban residents.

Many of the interviewees responded that a family member’s pension is the most important sourceof family income (14% in Afuá, 20% in Ponta de Pedras and 18% in Mazagão). Public workers’ salariesare another important resource for family revenue (14% in Afuá, 8% in Ponta de Pedras and 12% inMazagão).

The income from açaí production is fundamental for the residents of Ponta de Pedras (13%) andMazagão (26%), however, it is not an important activity for family incomes in Afuá (only 2%). Incontrast, for the residents of Afuá, commerce (employment or property) is an important element for theincome of 8% of families; in Ponta de Pedras, it is an important income-generating activity for 12% ofthe interviewed families, whereas, in Mazagão, this is the case for only 3% of families.

These results reaffirm the deliberations of several authors discussed in this article, for whom thesecities are plural, despite the similarities between them. Therefore, how else can their singularities beobserved? It is necessary to progressively deepen the discussions about these singularities because theydefine the qualitative in the search for their urbanity

THE UNIQUENESS OF THE URBAN GROWTH PROCESSAND THE RIBEIRURBANO

When observing the urban growth process of the three cities that are the focus of this study, it isclear that their intensity of urban growth is very similar. This growth, as mentioned, has no impact oninvestment in infrastructure. Thus, these three cities fail to provide infrastructure services to theirpopulations.

Considering other aspects, as analyzed by Montoia (2018), Rangel (2019) and Lima (2017), thesethree cities are deficient in the provision of basic services. In all three cases, there is a problem investingin Basic Health Units (UBS) and hiring the technical staff to care for the population.

Public management is a problematic issue in all three cities, although, in this regard, it is notablethat Afuá’s administration is more citizen-centered in terms of the maintenance of public patrimony,such as city hall buildings like existing public schools in the urban area, and the elaboration of aparticipative master plan. In Ponta de Pedras the public administration’s concern with the collectivespace was not evident, and even less so in Mazagão.

The situation of leisure environments is also noteworthy, some examples are shown in figure 2.Afuá has a more compact urban area, so leisure environments are easily accessed, and their maintenanceis observable. Well-cared-for wooden walkways, well-maintained sports courts, as well as clean andpainted squares.

The public leisure equipment in Ponta de Pedras is less well maintained than in Afuá and inMazagão none of the existing leisure spaces were found to be in good condition.

Urban roads used for circulation are another important aspect. Afuá is a city on stilts, the bridgesmust be always well maintained. Rotten wood can cause passers-by to fall. During fieldwork, wewitnessed pedestrians falling off bridges, which is a very common occurrence.

The substitution of wood for concrete has taken place in the roads of greater circulation; many ofthese works were financed by the federal government. In the central area, the roads are of good quality.Upon entering the city, towards the Capim Marinho neighborhood, which has emerged in the last 10years, the bridges were observed to be poorly maintained. The water supply in this neighborhood is alsoprecarious.

Ponta de Pedras is located on floodplains and dry land, in the várzea areas bridges with poor orregular maintenance were observed. The public authorities are landfilling many of these areas because,according to city hall staff, the bridges, which are part of the riverine culture and closely related to theenvironment, make it difficult to come and go, and to provide emergency services for the population.There has been a change in tidal dynamics due to embankments that were implemented without anenvironmental impact study (VALOTA, 2019).

In the portion of the city located on land, the traffic routes are paved and relatively wellmaintained, as the asphalt is poor quality and the rains are intense. Due to the precarious maintenance,coming and going is difficult. The streets and avenues are better maintained today than they were tenyears ago, but they still need more attention.

Mazagão has a dispersed occupation, wide streets, and is all located on terra firma. However, themaintenance of the streets and avenues is very bad, except for the avenue that turns into a highway andconnects the municipality to the interior of the state. As a rule, the streets and avenues are not wellmaintained.

The situation reported above leads us to observe that the absence of urbanity highlighted by Ribeiro (1995), is also verified in these cities. However, it is noteworthy how the population interactswith this environment, even with these shortcomings. In Afuá, the interaction with public space isgreater, the population likes living in a city on stilts and is proud of this. Particular care is taken with thefacade of the houses, which are carefully painted in strong colors and have unique joinery work. Theseelements reflect the residents’ joy in living in that location. This care for residences and gardens ismainly observed in the oldest and most central area. In Capim Marinho, a neighborhood formed by anirregular occupation, the roads are in poor condition and the houses are simpler. Despite these problems,the Afuenses’ relationship with their city is one of special affection and delight, which shows us theribeirurbano being, as discussed by Montoia (2018).

Ponta de Pedras also has a relationship of empathy between the population and their city, despitethe increase in violence in recent years. Thus, Pontapedrenses are very proud of their city. The influenceof the metropolis, Belém, is noted in the reproduction of construction patterns, such as the old-fashioneduse of decorative metal bars on windows and doors.

In Mazagão the population does not interact as much with its public space, which may be due tothe proximity of Macapá (thirty-two kilometers away). Since the inauguration of the bridge over the VilaNova river, opened in 2010, and the “Integration Washington Elias dos Santos” bridge, over the Matapiriver, in 2016, the travel time between Mazagão and the state capital has fallen to sixty minutes. This hasfacilitated journeys and the commuting of residents who find work more easily in the capital. The citycurrently has the characteristic of a dormitory town, which will be reflected in the data from the nextcensus.

Thus, in the three cities analyzed there is a reproduction of non-urbanity, as discussed by Ribeiro(1995). However, the inhabitants of these cities and their relationship with the place, the ribeirurbano,allows us to affirm that there is another urbanity. We cannot view the deficiencies only as defects,instead, we must observe the relationship highlighted by Nunes (2008), Oliveira and Schor (2008),between the population with their environment, its family network, with the ethos, as a space of hopeand opportunities.

This proposed urbanity understands the small Amazon riverine cities as part of the Brazilian“jig-saw puzzle”, as they have in common the language, tastes and habits and the political and economiclogic that permeates the entire national territory. However, they have vernacular characteristics, whichwe call ribeirurbano, part of the understanding that the individual is a citizen of a place, where, despite the presence of the State, there is the spatial production of daily life, according to which peopleconstruct their existence (MONTOIA, 2018). It is the triad of place, inhabitant and way of life, traced bysocial relations that manifest the urban/ river/ forest.

CONCLUSION

These cities have variables worthy of consideration: their urban growth in area and number ofinhabitants, the social relationships established in a network, investments in infrastructure that have notkept up with real needs, with a precariousness that can be perceived by the naked eye, their residents’income generation and the reduced reliance on forest resources, with the increased role of the açaí.

They also stand out for their vernacular character, the ribeirurbano, an aspect of identity toconsider, not only in the development of economic activities but in thinking about urban and regionalplanning in a way that recognizes this socio-spatial alterity and executes public policies in which thisreality is allied and not denied.

Thus, we believe that for this reality urbanity – the quality of life in the urban space – shouldacknowledge this scenario and, thus, enable the recognition and construction of citizenship in this newhumanism that establishes “the man of urban society”, with the regional touch which is the ribeirubano,space and man.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors are grateful to the Research Support Foundation of the State of São Paulo and theNational Council for Scientific and Technological Development for their financial support, withoutwhich this research would not be possible.

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