INTRODUCTION

Henri Lefebvre (1999 [1970]) accurately stated that “there is no city, nor urban reality, that doesnot have a center”, as the center is the part of the city with qualities of attraction that preserves cohesion,even when relatively fragmented. It is the locus of the management of the territorial division of urbanlabor and has significant correlations between different uses and socioeconomic strata, although cases ofgentrification or urban restructuring may be identified, as discussed by Smith (1996) and Soja (1993).When writing about the memory of cities, Le Goff (1990 [1988]) and Abreu (1998) say that the centerreveals the constant production and reproduction of the urban, constituting the materiality andimmateriality of memory and history.

Urban restructuring, as considered by Soja (1993) and developed by many authors, such as Scott(1984), involves profound changes in the city’s structure and how urban spaces are produced. In general,they result from alterations in the economic base and social and economic agents, or through theintroduction of urban equipment or infrastructure that have a significant impact on the area. Thus, thisstudy uses an interpretation of urban restructuring that refers to the urban in general, at local or regional scales.

Historian Jacques Le Goff considered the parameters for reflecting on the past to understand theresources that give access to information and how they should be used to understand a context’smeaning at a given time and its historical conjuncture. He then makes the transition to the constructionof memory throughout history, valuing the collective memory and its social wealth.

On the other hand, Geographer Mauricio de Almeida Abreu discusses the need to distinguishindividual memory from collective memory and their respective correlations with social class issues. Tothis end, he points to the city as a place of memory, to which we wish to attribute the specificity of thecity center since memories of neighborhoods and other fragments are associated with their roles in theterritorial division of urban labor, specific social classes, income, function, and ethnicity. Although oftenavoided, the center is where differences are found and where it is more difficult to avoid seeing themyriad variations in the urban setting. Low, Taplin, and Scheld’s (2005) ethnographic research in NewYork City parks highlights how city squares located in central areas have different uses. For the authors,the more central the park, the greater the ethnic and social diversity of the visitors.

Mauricio Abreu states that

Therefore, there is an intense dynamic of correspondence between different times, with overlapsand accumulations.

Since the cities of Antiquity, the center has been vitally important due to its role as a place ofmanagement and concentration of economic activities. The long literature on the history of citiesdirectly and unquestionably reveals the importance of city centers as the locus of strategic activities,which is why in terms of absolute and relative position they are normally located in privileged urbanareas. Their unique infrastructure makes them an area of convergence and dispersion of people,businesses, goods, services, transport, capital, and ideas.

The restructuring of the capitalist city in the mid-twentieth century relativized the center’sfunctions with the emergence of the polycentric city, as widely debated in works by Cohen (1972),Barton (1978), Erikson (1983), Hartshorn and Muller (1989), Berry and Kim (1993), Pfister, Freestone,and Murphy (2000), Clark (2002), Reis (2009), and Silva (2006, 2017a and 2017b). The territorialdivision of labor increases in complexity from other areas where central functions are also performed.However, the literature has always highlighted the continuation of the city center’s importance, as it hasnever lost its prominence. Instead, space-time variations have emerged, and the vast bibliographycontains several research cases that indicate the alternation between some obsolescence and theresumption of the interests of big capital (SMITH, 1996). Therefore, the debate about the polycentriccity, already well established in international literature, refers to the change in the paradigm of city production, which takes on a spatial form that expresses centralities at different levels and dimensions,in different areas of the city.

Since the research developed in the 1930s at the School of Urban Ecology in Chicago,investigations into the structuring of cities have mainly emphasized the study of city centers and thedifferent expressions of urban centrality. The terms Central Area, Main Center, Traditional Center, andHistoric Center were adopted to designate this vital area for the city structure. Among the many authorswho have dedicated themselves to the study of urban centrality, are the Brazilian scholars Ribeiro Filho(2004), Sposito (1991), Corrêa (1997), Reis (2009), and Maia, Silva, and Withacker (2017). The lattertraced a methodological-temporal path that assists the present study. They present a reflection ofcentrality starting from a historical study of the centralization process, examining the different dynamicsof decentralization and the formation of secondary nuclei, culminating in the trend towards thenucleation of shopping malls in Brazilian cities.

The area that plays the role of the Main Center does not always coincide with the city’s place oforigin or where the first Center was formed, although they often overlap, as it is a strategic location foreconomic and management activities that go beyond the changes imposed by new historical moments(technologies, urban structure, city size, among others).

Although these studies predominate in metropolitan urban areas, the same issues are alsoidentified in medium-sized cities, which occupy intermediate positions in the urban system, withdimensions, scales, roles, positions, and agents that end up developing some processes differently.Therefore, medium-sized cities also express these new contradictions of capitalist society, in such a waythat, as regional centers, they are an important part of the conformation of urban networks and territories.

This is precisely the case in the city of Resende (RJ), where there was an important change in thelocation of the Main Center’s function, which migrated from the right bank to the left bank of theParaíba do Sul River, establishing a new area in the Campos Elíseos subdivision. The original Centerretained its buildings, but a significant part of its functions migrated to the new area. Consequently, thememory of the Center (ABREU, 1998) was kept alive through its buildings and forms.

This article discusses the role of the Main Center in a medium-sized city undergoing restructuringat the interface between space and time and its different locational logic. To this end, the analysis withaddress the spatiality of the commercial and service activities in the city center of Resende, especiallybank branches and public administration. The principal methodology uses photographic records andtheir respective historical interpretations, memories related in interviews, and publications bymemorialists, historians, official sources, and others. Accordingly, the “present of the past” isreconstructed following a chronological path from the period of the peak and decline of coffeeproduction at the start and middle of the nineteenth century, respectively, until the formation of the MainCenter of Campos Elíseos in the mid-twentieth century. There are three parts to the discussion: theformation of the Resende’s Historical Center, the creation of the Main Center in Campos Elíseos whenthe Center crossed the river, and finally, a reflection on urban centrality’s spatial struggle in amedium-sized city.

THE FORMATION OF THE HISTORICAL CENTER OFRESENDE

The middle Paraíba do Sul Valley, where the city of Resende (RJ) is located, is part of the ParaíbaRiver Valley and lies between the Serra do Mar and Serra da Mantiqueira. The predominant relief is a“Sea of Hills”, covering the area drained by the river, from the Guararema elbow to where it is joined byits first important tributaries, the Piabanha-Preto and the Paraibuna-Preto. At this point, the plateau startsto decline, and the rapids begin. More specifically, the city is located in the lower reaches, in theResende sedimentary basin, which has an analogous disposition to that of Taubaté (FUNDAÇÃOINSTITUTO BRASILEIRO DE GEOGRAFIA E ESTATÍSTICA, 1977).

Resende is transected by the old Central Railway of Brazil that was built to transport the coffeeproduction to the Port of Rio de Janeiro. The Dom Pedro II Railway Branch reached Resende in 1873, replacing the transportation to the ports of Angra dos Reis and Corte, previously carried out by packmules and barges.

The Bandeirante Tenente Coronel Simão da Cunha Gago from Sao Paulo was the first toincorporate the land where the Vila de Rezende and later the municipality were established. In thehistorical documents, the name is spelled “Rezende”, with a “z”, which is no longer used in official orhistoriographical documents.

The old Vila de Rezende was created on September 29, 1801, by order of D. José de Castro,Conde de Rezende - Viceroy and Captain-General of the sea and land of the State of Brazil. The villageincluded the districts of Barra Mansa and São Luiz Ferrer, which have both been subdivided andemancipated. Rezende’s limits went from Morro da Fortaleza, on the border with São Paulo, to Serra doItatiaia to the north on the border with Minas Gerais. It included the Barra do Piraí and Ribeirão dasLages, bordering on Angra dos Reis (A GRANJA, 1931). From 1848, Vila de Rezende was elevated tothe category of city and it currently has a territorial extension of 1,113.50 km 2 (IBGE, 2010), which isstill quite large, despite several processes of territorial emancipation throughout its history.

The city, which currently has 126,084 inhabitants (IBGE, 2010) was built on the banks of theParaíba do Sul River, more precisely, on its right margin, giving rise to the First District of theMunicipality of Resende, known as the Centro. Establishments providing commerce, services, andhousing for the rural and bureaucratic elites were concentrated in this area. The Centro’s architecture iscomposed of remnants of Minas Gerais Baroque and neoclassical buildings; the style is eclectic, withdecorative elements, including shutters instead of guillotines and the emergence of pediments, hiding theroof (ACADEMIA RESENDENSE DE HISTÓRIA, 2001).

The economic transformations of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, especially the rise andfall of local coffee production in the nineteenth century, altered the city’s development. Coffeecultivation was based on slave labor, which was hit by policies to ban, and later abolish humantrafficking. Combined with soil exhaustion, this led to a rapid decline in local production, with manycoffee farmers migrating to the Ribeirão Preto Region (SP) in the west of São Paulo. Soares (2014) presents a history of the introduction and circulation of coffee in Resende:

In 1802, Resende was already a coffee exporter, and, from then on, the region would undergo a major change.The beginning of the reign of coffee gradually changed the entire economy of the region. If before the arrivalof coffee, the few inhabitants of the hamlet and the surroundings of “Campo Alegre” planted and benefitedfrom sugarcane, took care of indigo plantations, raised some cattle (selling meat to Minas and Rio), from thenineteenth century onwards everything would be subject to the innovation of coffee. Former cattle farms,sugar and cachaça mills, indigo plantations, started to plant [coffee]. Other plantations such as corn, beans,rice, and cassava started to supply the coffee farms and the urban centers’ nuclei as part of a support andsubsistence system. However, coffee was already imposing its almost absolute power as a commercial exportcrop.(SOARES, 2014, p,S/n).

In 1840, at the height of production, landowners established residences in the Centro of Resende,building townhouses and mansions, based on the wealth generated by the coffee economy. According to A GRANJA (1931), the first mansion constructed was owned by D. Benedita Gonçalves Martins(1809-1891), known as the Coffee Queen (figure 1). She is a famous character in the city’s history, asshe owned more than 10 properties, which produced around 580 tons of coffee per year (State Institute of Cultural Heritage, 2009).

The construction of the first Mother Church at the beginning of the nineteenth century wasfinanced by donations from big coffee farmers and built using slave labor. It was one of the importantmilestones in the formation of the center of Resende and certainly influenced the location pattern oflandowners’ homes, which began to dominate the production of urban space. This church was almostdestroyed by a serious fire that only left the facade standing and was rebuilt by the same agents andworkforce of enslaved people, in 1954. The building has been preserved in the same form until thepresent (figure 2).

Resende (RJ)

The agglutinating power of the construction of churches is notable, as it evidences the Center’ssymbolic power and its centrality for religious issues. It is also a way to demonstrate the distinction ofthe elites, who financed the works and guaranteed their hegemony in space.

Close to the Mother Church are two other churches, which are especially important to theResende Center’s history, namely the Senhor dos Passos and Rosário churches (Figures 3 and 4)

Both churches were less important in urban life, although they are close to the Mother Churchthey are located on the hill and so access was more difficult. The Senhor dos Passos Church wasintended for people of a lower social standing, and the Rosário Church was built for the slaves. Thelatter was idealized and funded by Manoel Gonçalves Martins, a Portuguese Commander, also known asManoel of the Stamp, because although he had the title of Commander, he was illiterate and carried agold stamp with his name, which he used to sign documents. He was the father of D. Benedita,mentioned above, according to information from Mr. Nourival Rosa, in a 2009 interview. Theconstruction of a Rosario Church for enslaved black people had already occurred in the city of Rio deJaneiro and demonstrates the need for internal social distinction in the central areas of Portuguese citiesand their close link with the Catholic Church.

Religious life is a very important aspect in cities of Portuguese descent and is one of the elementsthat connects the center and memory, since the buildings’ symbolism, especially the largest and mostimposing urban ones and the importance attributed to the liturgical issue, confers an almost sacralizedair to the center, above all, around the central churches.

The fact that the city was constructed by an enslaved labor force means that it does not involvethe same mechanisms imposed by the capitalist wage-labor society and the residential segregation alsofollows different parameters. There was compulsory segregation of slaves, who lived in places chosenby their masters, in rural and urban properties. Their masters also dictated the spaces they frequented,such as churches - in this case, the Rosário. It should be noted that the local historiography viewed thesematters as social actions carried out by the masters. Despite being slave owners, Commander ManoelGonçalves Martins and D. Benedita were considered social benefactors. On the other hand, to be fair,there is a statement on the city hall website informing that “Nowadays in Resende, there are 63 properties listed by the Municipal Historical Heritage [department], the vast majority were built withslave labor, which proves the importance of blacks for the history of Resende” (Resende City Hall).

The townhouses and mansions located and listed by Resende’s historical heritage indicate that thecenter resulted from large-scale real estate investment, built by slaves, which reflects and reinforces thememory of the nineteenth-century elite’s power.

In an interview with Mr. Nourival Rosa in December 2009, at the Casa de Cultura, an importantnineteenth-century building that hosted the Paço Municipal, he commented that the wealthy familieswere located in the vicinity of the Mother Church. After the decline of coffee, many of them moved tothe “Oeste Paulista”. Due to inheritance transitions and the diminished interest in the city the propertieswere sold or even abandoned. Several publications and reports refer to the “Oeste Paulista”, when in factthey mean the Ribeiro Preto Region (SP), which is not located in the western region of São Paulo. Rosasays that many proprietors moved to Rio de Janeiro and other regions of the country, and as a result,most of the properties ended up as public, municipal, state, or federal property. They were used as publicbuildings, such as the headquarters of the Federal Tax office, judicial structures, and museums, amongothers (Map 1), or even abandoned.

Therefore, an Urban Center was produced based on regionally created agrarian wealth and slavelabor, which resulted in the construction of important buildings with great value to the municipalhistorical heritage. In the following section, the debate considers the migration of the centrality and theformation of the Campos Elíseos Main Center.

THE CENTER CROSSED THE RIVER

The end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, was a period of significanteconomic and urban obsolescence, leading to Resende’s relative decline in regional importance. The citylost roles to the neighboring municipalities of Barra Mansa and, subsequently, Volta Redonda, which isa focus of rivalry, incorporated by residents in their daily practices. However, trade and service activitiesthat demanded a greater spatial reach were concentrated in neighboring municipalities, diminishingResende’s position in the regional urban network.

As already discussed, this economic obsolescence was felt in the Center, its importance wasgradually weakened and several events contributed to the migration of centrality to Campos Elíseos, inthe middle of the twentieth century, such as:

a) The transfer of the Military School of Rezende in 1944 to Resende on the left bank of theParaíba do Sul River. In 1951 its name was changed to the Academia Militar das Agulhas Negras(AMAN). This academy is considered the largest for cadet training in Latin America and attracted alarge number of military officers, teachers, service providers, and students, generating a great demandfor urban services and the sale of various items, mostly located on the left river bank, just outside theCenter.

b)The inauguration of the BR 116 - Federal Highway (Via Dutra), in 1951. Its route is along theleft bank of the Paraíba do Sul River and it stimulated demand for various services from people intransit. As the main form of entry into the city, it was decisive in attracting services to the left bank.

c)The availability of urban land in the Campos Elíseos subdivision, very close to AMAN,permitted the gradual construction of Resende’s new center, with the migration of the urban centrality.

Thus, the Paraíba do Sul River, which had previously been extremely important in thetransportation of coffee, became a barrier that isolated the city center and preserved its architecture, anuncommon occurrence in Brazilian cities, even though bridges already existed. The oldest one stillstanding, the Ponte Nilo Peçanha, also called Ponte Velha, was built in Belgium and transported to the Port of Rio de Janeiro and later Resende, in 1905. Subsequently, other bridges were built. In this sense,obsolescence was the reason for the preservation of the heritage of the former Resende Center.

The Campos Elíseos area of the city already existed at the beginning of the twentieth century andgradually gained importance due to the unfolding of the three events above. The street that begins atPonte Velha, Rua Albino de Almeida, was the greatest expression of centrality. From the second half ofthe twentieth century, this street started to concentrate the city’s main stores and bank branches, its apexbeing the construction of the Resende Promenade, the supreme and practically unique symbol of urbancentrality until new triggers affected the urban restructuring with the construction of two shoppingmalls, Resende Shopping and the Mix Patio, which significantly changed the urban structure and thelocation pattern of economic activities (SILVA, 2017).

The location of the bank branches reveals how the Campos Elíseos area, on the left bank of theParaíba do Sul River, started to concentrate the economic activities in the city of Resende (Map 2).

The concentration in Campos Elíseos is evident. All the main banks are present, including thosebranches differentiated for higher-income segments, such as Banco do Brasil’s Estilo and Prime, fromBradesco. Some branches can be found in the recent urban expansion axis of Manejo, towards the gatedcommunities of large high-income houses and to the west serving the most populous and lower-incomeneighborhoods, such as Cidade Alegria (BASTOS, 2017). There is no branch in the Centro de Resende,demonstrating that the centrality has migrated.

In research on urban centrality, banks have notably occupied areas of maximum centrality, as theyare institutions that have central demands and the resources to pay for them, regardless of the size of thecity. Also, most companies and offices need proximity to banks for their day-to-day operations,generating links that establish the points of convergence and dispersion of people, businesses, andothers. In turn, a set of complementary activities ends up settling in these areas, expressing their centrality.

As a study aiming to carry out a historical reconstruction until the present, one difficulty has beenobtaining research sources. Consequently, no files or documents were found to prove the history ofbanks’ locations in Resende, however, oral reports make it quite clear that banks had been located in theHistoric Center of Resende before the production and dense occupation of Campos Elíseos. Therefore,we opted to develop the debate about the migration of the function of the Main Center. Previousresearch, already published by Melara and Silva (2018), shows demonstrates the flows, convergence,and dispersion to Campos Elíseos, which took on the function of the Main Center.

In this sense, the location of commercial and service activities in Resende has its greatestconcentration in the Campos Elíseos neighborhood, as can be seen in the general survey on the locationof commercial and service activities, carried out by fieldwork on the street, by students from theResearch Group on Urban Restructuring and Centrality GRUCE / UFRJ, from 2008 to 2018, whichgives a broader view of the locational pattern in the city of Resende. An annotation methodology wasused in loco, by concentration, which only recorded and computed a concentration above three establishments (map 3).

However, concerning complementary and more low-income activities, there were importantchanges in the location of urban equipment, such as the Bus Terminal, which was formerly located onthe right side of the Paraíba do Sul River, very close to the city center. In 1996 it was transferred to a new building, located on kilometer 305 of the Presidente Dutra Highway, using the new standards ofinterurban accessibility. This new facility is managed by a large national road service network -GRAAL, reinforcing the locational interest and, therefore, its geographical position. The Patio MixResende shopping mall was built a few meters away, in 2011; its corporate website explicitly disclosesthis location pattern:

PátioMix Resende is located at the main interchange of the municipality and on the side of the PresidenteDutra Highway - the main highway axis in the country, connecting the states of Rio de Janeiro and São Pauloand with an estimated flow of more than 100,000 vehicles/day. A UNIQUE and PRIVILEGED location,which guarantees high visibility and easy access for the flow of vehicles and people circulating in the area ofinfluence of the project and the Highway’s floating public. (PATIO MIX RESENDE, sd),(https://www.facebook.com/ShoppingPatioMixResende), (Accessed on May 15, 2019).

The former Bus Terminal building was in an extremely poor condition and ended up being usedby the Resende’s low-income commerce occupied by small traders (figure 5). The Mercado Popular deResende (figure 6) was built close by, it was also composed of simple buildings without anysophisticated finishing. In the literature, this area of popular access is called the Center’s PeripheralZone, according to Corrêa (1997 and 1991), Strohaecker (1988 and 1989), and Rabha (1984).

On the other hand, due to municipal government actions there is an appreciation of thearchitectural heritage, with several buildings being used for public purposes, such as the Resende CityHall and the Old Municipal Market, which has become an exhibition space (figures 7 and 8).

These buildings, together with several other public ones, are in good condition, with recentrestorations, indicating a concern with the issue of heritage in this area, which no longer plays the role ofan urban center, but preserves the urban memory. An interesting episode was the incident whenresidents protested against construction by the Public Ministry that used pile drivers next to a “Palacete”,as recorded in the G1 portal’s report, of March 15, 2015 (http://g1.globo.com/rj/sul-do-rio-costa-verde/noticia/2015/03/moradores-reclamam-de-obra-que-compromete-palacete-em-resende-rj.html). This adobe building was noteworthy because it was built in the earlynineteenth century and, according to the news report and the work of the historian Nourival Rosa, in1868, it hosted Princess Isabel when she visited the city.

CONCLUSION

As centrality is an attribute of the central place, it is absolutely fluid and can vary in space andtime - seasonally or over a long period, however, it always has a dynamic that expresses and reinforcesthe demands of the society that produces it, seeking the attributes of the moment or as Mauricio deAlmeida Abreu called it, the “present of the past”. Historical Geography, brilliantly debated by thisresearcher, focuses on the debates about the geography of the past, but this not seen and understood asthe past, but as the present of the past. In other words, the historical moment is perceived within thecontext and the logic that produced it, with all the inherent contradictions and possible alterations thatallowed the most concrete and profound changes. Therefore, it is also a geography of centrality, whichcan migrate for long-lasting periods, seeking the new urban center, the new focus, or the newconvergence. However, for a certain time, the newness may be temporary, due to particularcircumstances.

The centrality and the urban center thus represent a dialectical pair with deep space-timevariations, the latter is the materiality of the process and fluidity of the former. Consequently, thecentrality attracts the focus and convergence of economic agents’ interests and attention to a givenlocation, which are capable of making profound changes in the area’s form and substance. When there isinterest in the central area, it undergoes strong urban interventions to meet new logics that may evenlead to its mischaracterization, within a dialectical process of destruction followed by new production.The alteration or creation of roads, the demolition of city blocks, high-rise buildings, and major changesin economic and social agents, are some examples that have already been experienced and witnessed inthe history of cities.

However, there are cases where the centrality migrates and a new center is produced, taking withit the attention and focus of the economic and social agents, which except for the action of time or otheragents with lower purchasing power, allows maintenance of the architecture, monuments, squares, and streets. The concern with the historical heritage is a relatively recent phenomenon, especially in Brazil,so that the economically prosperous cities evidence a strong lack of characterization of their forms,especially in terms of their buildings and street layouts.

In the case of Resende, where the Historic Center is rich in memory and history, the visible formand content were preserved because of its decline when it ceased to be the economic hub. The new MainCenter, Campos Elíseos, started to attract the attention and focus of economic agents in the twentiethcentury, following a period of prosperity in the center of Resende in the first half of the nineteenthcentury, with monumental buildings that demonstrated the wealth that accumulated in theagrarian-regional economy and the aspirations to display it in the urban environment.

In this sense, there is a mobile spatial-temporal relationship between Center and Centrality in theproduction of the city of Resende. The Historic Center still preserves the memory and some publicadministration services and Campos Elíseos took on the function of Main Center, with the concentrationof the largest flow of passers-by and a greater concentration of commerce and services, especially banks,registry offices, and others.

The city center is also where wealth is celebrated and demonstrated to maintain and reinforcesocial distinction and the reproduction of capital. History shows us that lasting architecture is the onethat represents the elites of the present of the past, who used the best engineering and materials existingat the time. What is considered to be the beauty and richness of the urban historical heritage is, in truth,the expression of the entrepreneurial elites of the present of the past. In the case of Resende, they wereslavers involved in all the historically proven violence and abuses, which do not appear in theirbuildings but are widely known and present in memory.

In this sense, the choice of the site and the building of the city center and its connections withother areas of the city and with other cities is the realization of the economic agents with the greatesthegemony of the present of the past. On the other hand, it ends up generating convergence anddispersion within the urban ensemble, attracting different social strata. In nineteenth-century Resende,although the drivers and production in the center belonged to the ruralist slave elites and thecommanders of the urban bureaucracy, the area was frequented by and necessary to a large portion ofthe urban population as a whole, including slaves, who had a church built for their exclusive use.

Urban restructuring and the production of the polycentric city change this logic; however, itsfoundations are still valid for an understanding of city dynamics and to maintain the importance of urbancenters. In the late 1990s, Professor Manoel Seabra, whilst carrying out fieldwork in São Paulo city, saidthat “to know the city, first visit the center”, an extremely important fact for Urban Geography studies.

Thus, centrality expresses the city’s social, economic, and political content, its essence and itsconvergence in time and space, demonstrating that the city has a dynamic production, which leads tochanges in the logic of centrality. This article demonstrates that in the city of Resende (RJ), the centereven had to overcome the physical barrier posed by the Paraíba do Sul River. It was observed that thereis an important issue regarding the articulation between the site and the geographical situation in thecomposition and production of urban space. Therefore, the Center is steeped in memory and history, butit can also be replaced or undergo significant alterations to its composition as a result of conjunctural changes.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The author is grateful to the Research Support Foundation of the State of Rio de Janeiro(FAPERJ) and the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) for theirsupport.

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