Historical framework

During the second half of the seventeenth century the economic crisis and the lack of political firmness in the colonial context began to be perceived. This situa­tion considerably intensified in the eighteenth century, with the changes of dynasty and in the government line. The changes in the government line were made in both, the metropolis and the viceroyalties, which is specially reflected in the economic measures that resulted in the accelerated colonies’ financial impoverishment. This situation was less perceivable in Peru’s viceroyalty as at that time commerce in­tensified, agriculture developed and the mining exploitation which made famous this viceroyalty continued. These factors favoured the birth and consolidation of an urban and rural bourgeoisie basically composed by creole people that had access to public charges², in the economic institutions and organizations that the Spanish rapidly adopted in the American viceroyalties.

Melchor Portocarrero Lasso de la Vega, third Monclova’s count, Grandee of Spain, Commander of Zarza in the Alcantara’s order, war advisor, and gentleman of the king’s chamber was the XXIII^rd viceroy of Peru. Military man of career, he served in the wars of Flandes, France, Sicily, Catalonia and Portugal. In the Dunkirk’s Dunes battle (1658) he lost his right arm, which he substituted with a silver one. He was named viceroy of Mexico in 1686 and two years later he was promoted to Peru’s viceroyalty.

He arrived on August the 15th of 1688 to a ruined Lima after the earthquake occurred on October the 20th of 1687. Immediately he dedicated his efforts to its reconstruction: cathedral, government palace, Callao. He is relieved from his posi­tion as viceroy in 1696, but his successor, the Canillas’ count, died before arriving to Lima, so the Monclova’s count continued as viceroy until September the 22nd of 1705, when he died.

He married Antonia Jimenez de Urrea and had six children with her: three men and three women. The last of his sons was born in Lima and is to whom Lorenzo de las Llamosas, contemporary poet to Bermudez, dedicated a loa within the co­medy También se vengan los dioses. One of her daughters, Josepha, entered as a nun to Santa Catalina’s convent in Lima, then she founded Santa Rosa’s convent, in Lima as well, where she was prioress until the moment of her death.

In Telémaco en la isla de Calipso dedicatory introduction, the Monclova’s cou­nt (viceroy) is represented through the image of the sun, which is usually used to symbolize the king all along the seventeenth century. Moreover, Rodriguez Garrido ensures that the Spanish monarchy image during the reigns of Felipe IV and Car­los II had remained subscribed to the solar emblem³; and their descendants are personified as ‘stars, new lights’⁴ which give greater brilliance to their victories. It is highly probable that these representations serve as expressions of Creole thought. In other words, for the creoles the viceroy is the alter ego of the king. Therefore, it is represented in the same way. This comparison hides a claim to the reduction of the viceroy’s power and specifically to the change of policy in the distribution of charges that until 1680 were under the viceroy’s will⁵.

the creole ideas

According to Bernard Lavalle, in the earliest times after the conquest of the New World, periphrastic constructions were used to refer to the children of Spaniards born in America: ‘sons of the kingdom’, ‘sons of the earth’, ‘sons and grandchildren of the conquerors’, ‘sons of the encomenderos’⁶ ; they were also called ‘meritoriou­s’⁷ in allusion to the merits gained by their ancestors in the conquest of the New World⁸. The word ‘creole’ began to be used in the viceroyalty of Peru around 1567. In Spain the word ‘Indian’ was used both to refer to those who were born in America and to those who had made their fortunes in America, but had returned to Spain.

The American creoles suffered a great disappointment with the new laws given in 1542, whose objective was to limit the power and wealth of the conquerors and their descendants. Beginning in the seventeenth century, their claims focused on the theme of «preference»; in other words, the right of precedence which the merito­rious descendants of the conquistadors should have to receive charges, mercedes, and prerogatives over the peninsular people who arrived as part of the entourage of the viceroys. Although the laws favoured the creoles, in practice, the preference was not fulfilled and this situation deepened the feeling of disappointment.

According to Mazzotti, illustrated creoles rejected the mistreatment of peninsu­lar discourse and action through an affirmation of their American being and created a project to promote a kind of ‘Creole nation’⁹ that develops ‘a discourse of ethnic vindication, homeland exaltation (in the regional and urban sense that the term had then) and support the biological, intellectual and religious superiorities of the meri­torious creoles that served as a counterweight to the hegemony of the peninsular groups in the administrative and economic matters’¹⁰. That is, the terms ‘criollo’ and ‘criollismo’ should be analysed as ‘strategies’ or ‘agencies’ consciously elaborated by corporate groups in order to obtain certain political objectives.

Those agents that were socially determined by their common interests, faced each other in a space of conflict and competition. Thus, although the ‘criollos’ be­longed to the ‘republic of Spaniards’¹¹, they were American, according to the opi­nion of the jurist Juan de Solorzano y Pereyra, establishing clear distinctions with Indians, blacks, mulattos and half-blood people that inhabited Peru (Disputatio de Indiarum Iure, 1628; Politica Indiana, 1648)¹².

creole thinking in relation to the power of the crown and the viceroy

In the literary work of the Peruvian creoles since the seventeenth century a poli­tical thought develops, whose objective is to give account of how this group percei­ved the authority of the viceroy, how depleted it was and the danger that this situa­tion meant for the preservation of the established order in the Spanish viceroys¹³.

In modern Spain, the viceroy is a legal institution of the administration of the Spanish empire. The viceroys represented the monarch as their alter ego; they used to hold attributes of royal power and received the same treatment that the king would have received; however, ‘the authority of the viceroys was absolute only in theory, in practice it was limited in many aspects: they had to follow royal instruc­tions, observe immunities, respect powerful families, control ministers themselves who were always ready to pass to the opposition and ask for help from the distant king’¹⁴.

Until the middle of the seventeenth century, the viceroys had a high level of autonomy, among its attributions was to appoint the public officials of the place governed. Although they had to give priority to the meritorious or children of the land, the viceroys used to distribute them among their relatives, which, as already mentioned, caused the creoles’ complains. To this must be added that it was common practice to sell public offices: in the beginning, trades with less rank in colonial government were sold; for example, the scribes —by the end of the seventeenth century— until the public positions considered strategic for the continuity of the Empire¹⁵ were reached.

At the end of the reign of Philip III, the Pious, the market of tradable public offi­ces had reached its limit; however, the need to increase revenues in this area was pressing. For that reason and in spite of the disagreement of the Council of the Indies, they began to offer public offices that were very close to the high spheres of power¹⁶. Thus, instead of delivering the public offices by merit, the viceroys be­gan to sell them to the highest bidder. As buyers were not always the right people, cases of corruption and abuse multiplied. It should be pointed out that only part of the proceeds of the sale of charges came to the royal treasury. For this reason, since the second half of the seventeenth century, the kings took charge of the de­signation —and sale of public offices— of high-level officials without consulting the viceroys, more for economic needs than for the desire to cut off the power of their representatives¹⁷.

For all this, the authority of the viceroy was diminished. The Duke of Palata, pre­decessor of the Count of Monclova, in his Relation asserts that limiting the power of the viceroy weakened his authority and put the colonial order at risk, since the vassals could not receive favours from those who directly governed them, but from a figure that was 3000 leagues away¹⁸. In the same way, the Count of Monclova directed several letters to demand the restitution of the right to the appointment of public offices, since it affected the image of authority of the viceroy and, conse­quently, that of the king¹⁹.

Rodriguez Garrido affirms that the election of the image of the sun referred to the viceroy and the one of stars to symbolize its children is not for free, instead it obeys to a political position that probably represents the political proposal of the Creole elite. Thus, ‘on the subject of the distribution of public offices, one of the most important covenants of colonial political history between the viceroy and the local power groups is surely woven’²⁰.

Brief news about the author

The baptismal seat of the author, dated on January the 14th of 1662, indicates that Pedro Jose Bermudez de la Torre y Solier was born a month and two days before the baptism; therefore, the probable date of birth would be December 12, 1661²¹. His father, Diego Bermudez de la Torre, was Lima’s perpetual alderman and Mayor; professor at San Marcos University and its rector for a year; Mayor Court Sheriff for purchase and Knight of Santiago. His mother, Maria de Solier de Cordoba y Ulloa was a poet whose pieces of writing are listed in the list of women writers from Manuel Serrano y Sanz²².

Apparently, Bermudez studied in San Martin’s school and in San Marcos Univer­sity where he got doctorate in canonical and civil law²³. He received from his father the mayor bailiwick of Lima’s Real Audience. He was also Rector of San Marcos University for six years, in two non-consecutive periods; he was also Dean of Laws and Canons of the same university. His performance in the Palatine Academy of the Marques Castell-dos-Rius was very meritorious: he participated in almost all the contests, ceremonies and gatherings of the time.

His literary production reached nineteen printed²⁴ works and two manuscripts²⁵. References to nine of his works mentioned by his contemporaries²⁶ have also come to us. Bermudez died in Lima in 1746.

Nowadays, a manuscript and two printed versions of the Telémaco en la isla de Calipso from Pedro Jose Bermudez de la Torre y Solier are known.

The manuscript is located in the city of Lima, National Library of Peru, resear­chers’ room, numbered 1685. The transcription of the incipit is as follows:

«TELÉMACO / EN LA ISLA DE CALIPSO. (pequeña viñeta)/ Epopeya amorosa,/ Escrita y dividida en quatro Cantos por el Doctor Don Pedro Joseph Bermúdezde / la Torre y Solier, / Alguacil Mayor de la Real Audiencia de Lima. / Dedicada alExmo. Señor Conde de la Monclova, / Virrey del Perú / Y después de esta EpopeyaAmorosa se pone / Una oración académica, que intituló el Autor / Obsequio dela Memoria». En la misma página, después de una viñeta impresa y pegada, seindica: En Lima. Año de 1728

This is a well preserved codex in folio elaborated in parchment of careful preparation. A single piece serves as a cover and spine where «El Telémaco / de / Bermúdez» appears written. The volume conserves the leather strap ends that closed it. It consists of ten booklets, without considering the preliminary sheets.

The front page’s back is blank. The preliminaries go from sheet IV to the VIII turn, those that appear without foliar. In addition, the previous page IV contains a printed and pasted nobiliary shield that occupies the complete page. Under the engraving the following inscription appears: D. Jacob Franc. Taboad [deliniavit], F. Michael Adame. Ordinis praedicatorum. Sculpsit. Lima. The back of it appears blank. The prologue is between sheets V and VI turn. Four compositions dedicated to the poet go from sheet VII to VIII. Two sheets remain in white. In sheet XI and the return (still without numeration) begins the text with the argument of the Canto I. The sheet XII, not foliated and with the blank back presents / displays an engraving cut from another book. From sheet 1, asterisks have been drawn in increasing numbers, at the bottom of the previous page. On the thirteenth page, the numbering goes from 1 to 100.

The manuscript presents two letter types which belong to the end of the seventeenth century and beginning of the eighteenth: one is small and firm and appears in the folios corresponding to the epic poem; the other, similar but more angular, appears in the preliminaries and in the text of the ‘Academic Discourse’²⁷ which closes the text.

The writing is careful, only presents ten amendments, through erasures, throug­hout the text.

In spite of the news that there exist about other manuscripts of this work, it has not been possible to determine whether this is the original manuscript of the work or a later copy²⁸. I agree with Riva-Agüero, as the poem’s dedicatory introduction would have no sense 23 years after the death of the Count of Monclova.

The first printed version that is known appears in the second part of the thesis presented by Jose Navarro Pascual, at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, to achieve bachelor’s degree in Humanities, Language and Literature Section, in 1971, and occupies the pages 137 to 426. The text is complete and presents a modernized orthography (use of v / b, use of spelling v for u and use of form u by or as a disjunctive conjunction and accentuation). Also, some modifications guided by the meaning of the poem are introduced in Canto I. The manuscript writing is con­signed in footnote. Only the Canto I is annotated in detail²⁹. It limits to the original with great fidelity, although I have found some errata³⁰.

The second printed version was under the responsibility of Cesar Debarbieri and was published by the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, in 1998. It is a version that strictly adheres to the original, but inexplicably does not present any annota­tion.

the poem’s structure

Telémaco en la isla de Calipso is a narrative poem of great extension composed by 540 stanzas in ottava rima. Bermudez de la Torre y Solier takes the main motive of Fenelon Francois de Salignac de la Mothe’s work: Las aventuras de Telémaco, el hijo de Ulises³¹. This novel is a work of doctrinal character where the argument is subordinated to a purpose: religious tolerance³². It was written as a guide for the royal disciple, the Duke of Anjou. These Adventures simulate to be a continuation of the «Telemaquia», first songs of The Odyssey. In Homer’s work, Telemachus is in­stigated by the goddess Minerva (who introduces himself as Mentor, loyal friend of Ulysses) to go and search for news of his father. Thus, the son of the hero arrives at Pylos where Nestor tells him what he knows about the return of the Achaeans, but could not tell him anything about his father because he does not know what hap­pened to him. He advises him to go to Sparta and ask for information to Menelaus, as he was one of the heroes who most delayed to return. It is Menelaus who as-sures him that Ulysses is alive. These first cantos of The Odyssey have as function to elevate the son of the hero and to create an atmosphere of nostalgia «nostos» that will allow to introduce the rest of songs. Fenelon takes the Telemaquia like a starting point of new adventures of the son of the hero. The main plot consists of the adventures and misadventures of the young hero; among them, there is a love triangle between Telemachus, Calypso and the nymph Eucaris. Bermudez de la Torre takes and develops only this motive. He does not stop at the detailed ad­ventures that Fenelon narrates in his work. However, it maintains the narrative and descriptive character that is present in the novel.

The poem of Bermudez is developed mainly in the Island of Ogigia, place where Calypso, daughter of Atlante, lives. The story can be summarized as follows: the young Telemachus arrives at the island of Ogigia, accompanied by Mentor and his entourage, who have been shipwrecked due to a storm unleashed by Eolo at the request of Venus who has been adverse to Ulysses. Through Mentor’s mediation, Calypso receives the shipwrecked people and falls in love with the young man. A parallel arises between the love story of Calypso and Ulysses that moves to the love that Calypso feels for Telemachus. Telemachus and his entourage lean towards the love of Calypso’s nymphs, and in that way the love between Eucaris and Telema­chus began. This generates a love triangle: Calypso - Telemachus - Eucaris. Calyp­so was jealous and Mentor recommends Telemachus to return to Ithaca. Several years passed, and Eucaris, who has been waiting for Telemachus, wants to know about him, goes to the fortune-teller Phyllida and found out that Telemachus has rescued Antiope, the daughter of Idomeneus, and married her. Eucaris, full of deep disappointment and sadness, dies.

The dedicatory introduction

The first seven stanzas compose an introduction: the first has a clear autobio­graphical character which gives news about the author, the second addresses the muse of poetry who impulses the author to write; the third sings to the patron to whom the work is dedicated, the Count of Monclova, and from the fourth to the se­venth stanza, a praise to the count whom he admires as a soldier and as a political authority is developed. The eighth stanza constitutes a transition between the pre­sentation and the poem itself. The ninth stanza marks the beginning of the poem with a reference to Neptune, a god adverse to Ulysses and his descendants.

Fenelon is admired by Bermudez for being the preceptor of Felipe V; and, for being a well-known, admired French author at the time, as attested by Bermudez’s prologue³³. Fenelon’s novel was published incomplete in 1699 and travelled throug­hout Europe. In 1717, the complete work was published. The first Spanish edition dates from 1854. This means that the work —complete or incomplete— arrived to Peru in its original language. Been the preceptor of Philip V and the greatest repre­sentative of French Baroque might have been sufficient reasons for the novel to arouse the interest of Bermudez. However, the decision to choose Fenelon’s novel can also be based on thematic reasons: the mythological theme, so dear to the Baroque, is present in Las aventuras de Telémaco el hijo de Ulises.

The dedicatory section

The dedicatory section (Cont)

The dedicatory introduction begins with a confession of the authorial voice, a memory of his early works: the adolescence of his literary production. The poet sang ‘sweet tyrannies’³⁶ of love; an oxymoron reinforced with another: ‘pleasant damages’³⁷ with those who celebrated these sweet tyrannies. That feeling caused the impression that hours do not pass by and that the days did not end; however, that love was changed into disillusionment and to express it the crying runs, as an echo of his voice.

Then he addresses the inspiring muse, the poetic voice, who infused his furor, his creative enthusiasm, and asks her to accept his numbers³⁸, or harsh, hoarse verses that are the only ones a suffering voice like his can offer. With these verses his pain will be extinguished; his passions, transformed into sonorous rhymes, will serve to sing his pain and the consonances will groan.

After the first two verses oriented to the authorial voice and the speech receiver, he addresses his patron: the Count of Monclova, viceroy of Peru, whose garments³⁹ or qualities compete in the effort and the ingenious in such a way that when Apollo saw him, he gives up and Mars envies him, because he is good in the arts and in war. Love also weaves a respectful veil to Himeneus; which means that, the viceroy is also happy in his marriage. The Count of Monclova is excellent in everything, therefore, he is able to transform the songs of the authorial voice; convert weapons into musical instruments.

In the fourth stanza, the poet refers to the viceroy as ‘best Homer’⁴⁰, probably as a reference to the works he commissioned during his rule⁴¹. He then mentions the ‘generous blood’⁴² of the viceroy in reference to his ancestors and descendants, especially his six children, and among them, the last, Francisco Javier Portocarrero Lasso de la Vega, born in Lima and in whose honour a contemporary of Bermudez, Lorenzo de las Llamosas, wrote the play entitled También se vengan los dioses. In the dedicatory introduction of the mentioned work, Llamosas refers to the newborn like ‘star’⁴³, son of the sun, motif that is repeated in this stanza. The sons of the viceroy are very bright stars that ignite the glories, especially military, of the viceroy and list their victories. Rodriguez Garrido affirms that the choice of the image of the sun referred to the viceroy and the new star to symbolize his son is not gratuitous⁴⁴, but rather obeys a political position that probably represents the proposal of the Creole elite who supported the power of the viceroy which was to be truly an alter ego of the king⁴⁵.

In the fifth stanza, the viceroy is asked to listen to what he is not usually used to listen as a military man: the weapons and fury of Mars, but the tragic rigors of love that the poet will sing with sweet crying and a sad accent. The Count of Monclova is a true patron, as he encourages the poets until they can hear the trumpet of Fame⁴⁶.

The sixth stanza is directed to the praise of courage in the battle of the Count of Monclova symbolized in the prosthesis made in silver of the right arm of the viceroy, who lost that part of his body in the battle of the Dunes of Dunkirk (1658). The poet calls the arm «diamantino»⁴⁷, a path of stars splashed reminiscent of blood, divine humour, shed and temple of courage. With that arm admired, the Count of Monclo­va guides his subjects and is where they seek their fate.

The seventh stanza states the victorious, laureate occupations of the viceroy: the government (the sceptre) and war (the sword). He assures us that because of the transcendence of the two, his memory has been eternalized in the memory of the entire Hispanic world, as Europe has been fortunate to see him fight and Ame-rica acclaims him as his protection.

The eighth and last stanza of the dedicatory introduction to the viceroy asks the goddess Fame, prefigured by the image of the clarinet, whose musical breath reaches everywhere, to communicate the glories of the viceroy and thus to repeat it as echo the admiration to the viceroy and listen to the idea, understood as both ‘eternal and immutable exemplar of everything in the divine mind’, and ‘convictions, beliefs, opinions’⁴⁸. We can conclude that Bermudez de la Torre Solier is a creole who is part of the enlightened elite who had access to public office. That elite establishes a sort of pact with the viceroy, because the royal house to avoid economic ruin makes mistaken decisions, such as the sale of public offices, which cut off the power of the viceroys that should be real and truly alter ego of the kings. Bermudez de la Torre finds in the Count of Monclova a patron. As patron and viceroy, Bermudez praises him in the dedicatory introduction: he celebrates his warlike and political skills, prai­ses his descendants who share with the Count of Monclova their status as stars, children of the sun and finally asks the Goddess Fame, to extend the glories of the Count of Monclova, Viceroy of Peru, to the Hispanic world.

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Notes