Publicação Contínua
Recepción: 31 Mayo 2022
Aprobación: 12 Julio 2022
Publicación: 10 Agosto 2022
DOI: https://doi.org/10.20952/revtee.v15i34.17917
Abstract: The objective of this text is to analyze the State Reform and the implementation of the New Public Management (NPM) and its implications in the field of education, especially in the teaching work in the public sector. The restructuring of education from the 1990s onwards, in the context of the NPM, imposes on teaching work principles and values arising from the productive society of capital, with determinations from the private sector. The text stems from extensive research carried out at the Stricto Sensu Postgraduate level. Data were collected in a municipality in the state of Mato Grosso, in the municipal and state network.
Keywords: Education, Teaching, Management, Work.
Resumo: O objetivo do presente texto é analisar a Reforma do Estado e a implantação da Nova Gestão Pública (NGP) e implicações no campo da educação, em especial no trabalho docente no setor público. A reestruturação da educação a partir da década de 1990, no contexto da NGP, impõe ao trabalho docente princípios e valores advindos da sociedade produtiva do capital, com determinações do setor privado. O texto decorre de pesquisa ampla realizada em nível de Pós-Graduação Stricto Sensu. Os dados foram coletados em um município do Estado do Mato Grosso, na rede municipal e Estadual.
Palavras-chave: Educação, Docência, Gestão, Trabalho.
Resumen: El objetivo de este texto es analizar la Reforma del Estado y la implementación de la Nueva Gestión Pública (NGP) y sus implicaciones en el campo de la educación, especialmente en el trabajo docente en el sector público. La reestructuración de la educación a partir de la década de 1990, en el contexto de la NGP, impone al trabajo docente principios y valores provenientes de la sociedad productiva del capital, con determinaciones del sector privado. El texto surge de una extensa investigación realizada en el nivel de Postgrado Stricto Sensu. Los datos fueron recolectados en un municipio del estado de Mato Grosso, en la red municipal y estadual.
Palabras clave: Educación, Enseñando, Administración, Trabajo.
INTRODUCTION
In the present article we specify, initially, the debate on the changes that occurred in education to the detriment of the State Reform, in the search to make it minimum for social issues and maximum for capital. Then, we highlight the transformations in the nature of teaching work, which, given the reformist dictates, has been influenced by the process of flexibility, devaluation, intensification, exploitation, expropriation and precariousness, reverberating in an intense process of affront to the teaching identity. And, finally, we bring data from the research on teaching work in the context of the Managerial State developed in the municipality of Barra do Garças in the municipal and state network.
To analyze the teaching work, it was considered the need to carry it out as the phenomenon develops, that is, in the real conditions in which they occur, seeking to establish an approximation to the method of dialectical materialism, in the search for revealing what is not apparent, seeking to know its essence. Thus, this study analyzed data from a field research carried out in six schools in the municipality of Barra do Garças - MT, four state schools and two municipal schools, located in the central and peripheral regions of the municipality.
THE REFORM OF THE STATE AND EDUCATION
The neoliberal ideology in Brazil reached its apex in the early 1990s, influencing the competition for political projects established after the redemocratization and the 1989 presidential elections, thus initiating the State Reform. The objective was to provide an active and efficient participation of the country in the global and modern context, meeting the prerogatives of capital in the quest to expand its capacity, guided by the demands of modernization, in order to find favorable conditions for its expansion.
The State reforms that have taken place since the 1990s in Brazil have met the requirements of International Capital Organisms (World Bank BM, International Monetary Fund - IMF, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development - OECD, Inter-American Development Bank - BIRD and World Trade Organization - WTO) in favor of the logic of capital today (Shiroma et al., 2007). The world crisis from the highlighted decade, triggered a discourse of the need to find ways for a new model of economic development, causing a reduction in the economic growth rate, an increase in unemployment rates and a progressive increase in the interest rate throughout the world. world, thus opening the way for international capital to spread especially through developing countries, employing a neoliberal stance focusing on privatization, deregulation of the economy and flexibility of imports.
From this conception, Shiroma (2004) points out the strategies used by these organisms. According to her, “Therefore, international organizations begin to exercise political power through a discourse based on consensus in the promotion of democratic freedoms, used to justify and give legitimacy to the reform measures they suggest for the different regions of the planet (Shiroma, 2004, p. 114, our translation).
These large multilateral organizations have ensured an expressive participation in the conduction of the economy at the world level, specifically in developing countries that, now globalized1, seek to imprint their majority interests in favor of the bourgeois elite.
This process, seen as modernizing the State, is the result of a new phase of capitalist restructuring that is marked by centralizing policies, aimed at institutional differentiation and diversification, above all, privatization of the public sphere.
The supporters of this interventionist state model, or even at the behest of neoliberalism, seek to minimize the State's role in social policies, in the search for the reduction or even dismantling of protection policies, as founding paths for the resumption of economic development through the state reform.
There is a defensive and ideological argument for the reform of the State, which is implemented by the fallacious speech of the need for modernization and rationalization of the State, aiming to overcome the ills imposed by the contemporary world with reduced economic growth, vertiginous monetary inflation and a high unemployment rate, conditions arising from the adaptation to the modern and recent demands of the globalization process in development. Seeking to legitimize this speech, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, president at the time, in his administration leveraged such project, highlighting:
[...] today we live in a global scenario that brings new challenges to societies and national states (...). It is imperative to reflect both realistically and creatively on the risks and opportunities of the globalization process, because only then will it be possible to transform the State in such a way that it adapts to the new demands of the contemporary world. (Cardoso, 1998, p. 15, our translation).
Based on this perspective, it still seeks the downsizing of the state public machine, as well as the privatization of goods and services, in which the reform of the State is seen as the possibility of overcoming “views of the past of a “welfare and paternalist” State, starting from the transfer of the production of goods and services “to society, to the private initiative” (Cardoso, 1998, p. 15, our translation).
Bresser Pereira, creator of this reformist project and minister of the Ministry of Federal Administration and State Reform (MARE, Portuguese initials)2, proposed a new form of management of the State plan with the replacement of bureaucratic administration for managerial one, which for him “was a response to the need for greater efficiency, or lower cost, of the new social3 and scientific services4 that the State will provide” (Bresser-Pereira, 2010, p. 112, our translation).
The purpose of MARE was to increase governance, based on the rhetoric that the State apparatus was incapable of meeting the demands aimed at citizenship, seeking to falsely print that the administrative machine was inefficient and hamstrung by the austere rigidity of rules and procedures. Thus, it was sought:
[...] a consistent reform of the State apparatus is needed, today, more than a mere rearrangement of structures. Overcoming traditional forms of state action implies decentralizing and redesigning structures, providing them with intelligence and flexibility, and above all developing management models for the public sector capable of generating results (MARE, 1995, p. 40, our translation).
The rescue of this capacity aimed to remove the State from a bureaucratic task for a strictly managerial one, triggering a subversion in the values considered essential, with the
implementation of a new model of State based on fundamental elements: participation, appreciation of the worker's potential, as well as its relevance as a professional in the production process, equity5 of possibilities, these linked to educational processes that lead to a renewed vision of the world (Brasil, 1997a, p. 12, authors highlights, our translation).
What can be noticed from the proposal of the referred plan is a strong rationalization of resources through the change of the administrative configuration, for the adhesion of the managerial public model, of which the result provides a greater level of exclusion. For Zanardini (2001, p. 25, our translation), this “exclusion is aggravated with the increase in structural unemployment, with the reduction of wages and with the transformation of social rights, such as health and education, into goods sold based on the same criteria as the market”. This exclusion is even more intense because this State standard promises to meet social policies, but does not have the necessary conditions for these policies to be put into practice (Zanardini, 2001).
Regarding the Reform, the interests and the government's planning were on the agenda, presented by Bresser Pereira and his assistants and collaborators: “(1) make public administration more flexible and efficient; (2) reduce your costs; (3) guaranteeing the public service, particularly the State's social services, better quality” (Pereira, 1995, p. 7, our translation).
The essence of the State Reform plan is exclusively focused on a capitalist vision, which seeks to delimit the size of the State and redefine its role as regulator. To think about the delimitation of the size of the State is to define its real attributions towards the social. The power of discourse is observed, since what is at stake is the transfer of responsibilities, in the opening given to the private sector so that it can gradually consolidate, since from a liberal perspective, public administration is imbued with a managerial paradigm, which according to Hypolito (2011) adopts norms aimed at “[...] productivity, customer orientation, decentralized models, service efficiency, introduction of market mechanisms in public administration and accountability and evaluation programs, in addition to public-private and quasi-market partnerships” (Hypolito, 2011, p. 01, our translation).
It is noted that the reforms imposed by the regulatory bias have played a fundamental and decisive role for the founding purposes of capitalism, with the reduction of first-order social and moral values to second-order conceptions with the expansionist axiom of capital.
The State Reform was characterized by managerial changes and decentralization, in which, according to Ball (2004), the State begins to manage public activities through evaluative mechanisms, in order to break with the bureaucratic, rigid, austere and inefficient for a “citizen-oriented” administration, named for managerial, effective and flexible administration. It appears that the structural adjustment plans related to economic reform aim to meet the interests of capital, highlighting the search for restrictive control over social policies and macroeconomic criteria, led by international financial institutions.
In summary, it is understood that the State Reform adjustments take place in compliance with the imposing policies of international organizations, which seek to minimize the State in relation to the financing of social policies, being recommended especially for education, an instance that is considered by big capital as an oasis to be explored, falsified by the bourgeoisie as one of the requirements for Brazil to be inserted in the globalized world.
EDUCATION IN THE CONTEXT OF STATE REFORM
The considerations highlighted on the reformist project of the State, and its extension to Education, are closely linked to the reproduction of capital. These actions, still arising from the FHC government, sought to strengthen the economy in order to make the country economically productive and competitive in the global sphere. According to Cardoso (1994), “it was necessary to combine immediate actions and profound reforms. All to guarantee decent living conditions for the most humble citizen of this country. But it will be impossible to guarantee social advances if we are not able to define and carry out a new project for this country”. It also highlights the need to combine “development with social justice, growth with better wages, progress with a formal contract, health and children at school” (Cardoso, 1994, our translation). FHC's speech is nothing more than a fallacious speech, since the points brought in his plan are characterized by economistic actions of a privatized nature, materializing under the foundations of neoliberalism.
The reform of the State with its projects has unleashed an increase in inequalities, unemployment, hunger, conditions that do not contribute to economic development, since it denies the redistribution of income and the promotion of social justice, in which the
[...] education aimed at the working classes should have as its main role the correction of social inequalities, the State minimizes its direct responsibility for economic and social development, acting as a market regulator. And education? It should, according to the orientation taken by the FHC government, be understood as a policy of assistance, taking disadvantaged groups as the focus (Lima, 2015, p. 152, our translation).
This understanding demonstrates that the neoliberal state model is for a pseudo popular sovereignty, that in fact there is no search to improve the living conditions of the population in general, but this has triggered greedy desires on the part of the market in the supply of public services, including education, thus demonstrating the State's servitude to the principles of capital. It is a policy based on technocratic ideals from the bourgeois ideology, which “transforms the business and mercantile ideas of school education into one-dimensional State policy” (Frigotto & Ciavatta, 2003, p. 107, our translation), effective in the organizational and pedagogical space of the school. school.
Based on these principles and correlated with the world conjuncture, the ongoing transformations have guided and induced the State to propose reforms in Education and its relation to economic development. These ideals arising from the globalization process provided countries with greater mercantile competitiveness, falsely seducing governments to assume a stance focused on international economic competitiveness and efficiency, elements that have been the driving force used in educational systems.
The education reform in Brazil was guided by the managerial model of public administration, which has as its essence the idea of an entrepreneurial government that should finance the results and not the resources, being a guiding vision for the results or products, thus favoring the reach the efficiency and effectiveness of the services provided and public spending on education (Oliveira, 2004). According to Saviani (2013), the elements listed on the managerial model in the educational context seek to restructure schools in the administrative and pedagogical scope and reformulate the State, having neotechnicism as a support.
Shiroma (2004, p. 114, our translation), when revealing what is between the lines of these policies, highlights some expressions of the managerial model, being “responsibility for results, accountability, accountability, capture and optimized use of resources, management, management, effectiveness, performativity6”, these terms have been widely used in educational discourses. These notes reveal the growing attacks on education and its submission to economy, and control techniques directly extinguishing ethical and moral values.
In this context of attacks, Ball (2004) warns us that there is “a range of multilateral agencies, each in its own way, is working hard to create other spaces for “privatization” and the participation of the private sector in the provision of public services, including education” (Ball, 2004, p. 1113, our translation).
The author also points out that in addition to health, “education is one of the last bastions to be conquered. A broad, market-oriented reform of the public education service is underway”. These agencies ideologically allude that the investments made by them in education contribute to minimize – if not to end – poverty, in which greater productivity is synonymous with development.
It is important to highlight that, in an unnecessary way, the managerial model brings its true objective in terms of political intention, in which, despite bringing progressive elements such as improvement, updating, entrepreneurship, excellence, it disguises the concepts of efficiency and effectiveness. The highlighted elements are part of the process of capital restructuring and productive reform resulting from the end of the accumulation phase and globalization, which are based on decentralization, regulation and governance.
The search for consensus is clear, so that multilateral organizations and governments complement the totalizing potential of capital, both being components of the socio-metabolic control of capital that jointly attack education ideologically, in an attempt to falsely align the interests of the ruling class with those of of the working class. According to Mészáros
[...] ideology is not illusion, [...] but a specific form of social consciousness. Being unsurpassed and inevitable in class societies. This seeks to control social metabolism in all its main aspects. The social interests that reveal themselves throughout history and intertwine in a conflicting way are manifested, at the level of social consciousness, in the great diversity of relatively autonomous (but by no means independent) ideological discourses, which exert a strong influence even on the processes more tangible materials of social metabolism (Mèszáros, 2004, p. 22, 23, our translation).
From the aspects highlighted, it is noted that the plans for education have been built in an ideological context, in order to maintain capitalist demands. The ideals of capitalism, in addition to building their theories and projects so that they can be implemented and executed mainly in developing countries, they make use of their power of persuasion towards society, for this they use the main aspirations of the working class of these countries in order to put their proposals into practice. In other words, in the educational model proposed by the reforms, “the school, which in its Greek origin designated the place of leisure, is transformed into a big business” (Shiroma et al., 2004, p. 120, our translation).
According to Shiroma, Moraes and Evangelista (2000), many are the productions of multilateral organizations, businessmen and intellectuals, which have been fundamental for the dissemination of their plans inherent to the ongoing changes to education in the context of State Reform, acting as true representatives of reformist actions in Brazil. Thus, it is important to highlight the World Conference on Education for All7, which took place in Thailand, in Jomtien, in 1990; the documents published by ECLAC8 also in the 1990s; the International Commission on Education for the 21st Century, coordinated by UNESCO, culminating in the elaboration of the Jacques Delors Report9 – as it became known, between 1993 and 1996 and the V Meeting of the Intergovernmental Regional Committee of the Main Project on Education for Latin America and Caribbean - PROMEDLAC, held in Chile, in the city of Santiago in 1993. For this project, the success of the countries in the region highlighted
[...] to enter the international economy, will largely depend on the modernization of their educational systems and the improvements they can introduce in educational processes. It is necessary to ensure a quality basic education for all students. The countries of the region will not be in a position to face the challenges of the 21st century if they do not first achieve the educational base that will allow them to enter the world competitively (Shiroma, 2002, p. 72, our translation).
What can be seen is that the proposal idealized by this educational project, being one of the bases of the implemented or ongoing reforms, is based on a cunning discourse that in the knowledge society, knowledge could cooperate with the happiness of citizens. These reforms have the purpose that education subsidizes assistance to the basic learning needs of children, youth and adults with regard to the understanding of theoretical and practical knowledge, and with skills that can help them to solve the problems of daily life, being them: “[...] 1) survival; 2) the full development of their capabilities; 3) a decent life and work; 4) full participation in development; 5) improving the quality of life; 6) informed decision making and 7) the possibility to continue learning” (Shiroma et al., 2000, p. 58, our translation).
The idea was that investing in Basic Education would favor the formation of more adaptable, adjustable workers, capable of acquiring new knowledge without great difficulties, thus meeting the demands of the globalized market. This argument would clearly explain the articulation between the transformations in the production model and the pattern of organization and administration of the State, with characteristics that find space in a State guided by market values.
Also according to the aforementioned authors, Brazil adopted a posture of collusion with the prerogatives agreed by the Meeting of the Intergovernmental Regional Committee of the Main Project on Education for Latin America and the Caribbean in 1993, in which the State should carry out administrative reforms that could preparing “a transmutation of the administrator and provider State into an evaluative, encouraging and policy generating State” (Shiroma et al., 2000, p. 65, our translation). It is noted that education from this perspective is seen as part of the qualification of the workforce towards capitalist development, a conception that starts from a process of changing the role of the State and of regulation in the very theory of human capital.
The search to build a powerful consensus so that the reforms of the public policies in question could be implemented, in order to fulfill the ideological role, of the so-called "new" ones that are strictly linked to human capital and in the educational scope illusively use investments in this field as fundamental to foster and stimulate economic growth and poverty reduction, due to the low cost-benefit ratio that this investment presents (Zanardini, 2001). In this way, it requires the school with a positioning that contributes to the realization of this new prototype.
This new prototype of pragmatist learning, according to Duarte (2003), is linked to the “knowledge society”, focused on “learning to learn”, an ideology led by capitalism, which is [...] an illusion that fulfills a certain ideological function in contemporary capitalist society” (Duarte, 2003, p. 14, our translation).
The notes shown here demonstrate the implications of the reform of the State apparatus for education, evidencing the ideological influence of the Managerial State. In this devastating scenario, it is urgent that we can break with the illusions of consensus, in order to reveal the alienating insanities of the bourgeoisie in a pure state.
NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT AND TEACHING WORK
These factors have had a negative impact on the direction that public education has taken, and therefore on the working conditions of teachers, not only in Brazil, but also in several countries (Apple, 2005; Oliveira, 2003, 2004).
TEACHING WORK IN THE MUNICIPALITY OF BARRA DO GARÇAS - MT
The studies that have been developed (Shiroma, 2007; Evangelista, 2012; Previtali, 2020) refer to the transformations that have been taking place in the context of educational policies, and as a consequence the proposal of changes in teaching work, with teachers as a fundamental and promoting channel for the implementation of the new policies. Thus, we sought to investigate from the data collected from the teachers their perceptions regarding the development of their own work and whether they perceive the changes in their teaching daily.
Analyzing the answers to the questionnaire sent by the teachers, when asked if the activities developed by them over the years had changed, they were unanimous in confirming that they underwent many changes, however, it was possible to perceive how much the dominant ideology has played its role.
Present, even in a summarized way, the changes made by the teachers become relevant, considering what integrates the report of the participants of this research. According to TD1, keeping up with the rhythm has not been an easy task, due to the
a lot of changes, especially this year, because we had to adjust from analogue to digital (sic), and keeping up with that pace has not been easy. Learning to use digital tools as resources, understanding and using active methodologies, conducting synchronous and asynchronous classes is still a challenge, as we also depend on family help (TD1, 2020, our transaltion).
When the teacher emphatically brings out “many changes” in her speech, she is highlighting how much these changes have altered her life, both professionally and personally. It is possible to perceive the present contradiction under the aegis of accumulation in the digital age, there is a deep precariousness of the teaching work, demanding in a minimum time from the teacher that he adapts to the new reality. The teacher needs to assume the position of someone who has been prepared and trained for any reality or setback. The teacher's dignity is imbued with enormous violence, since he has to deal with using tools he has never worked with, with methodologies for which he was not prepared. Everything new at work, old demands, old salary! And so, the domain of capital in the field of education is expanding, introducing technical and organizational innovations into the school space as a teaching labor space, which are presented with an appearance of neutrality (Antunes, 2020). Meanwhile, in essence there is more exploitation, more expropriation by capital towards workers.
The use of active methodologies is also pointed out by the teacher as something that needs to be understood in order to use them in synchronous and asynchronous classes. Teacher TD9 also makes references to methodologies in terms of the changes required over the years. For her, working with the active methodologies proposed by the State “is good, but for it to materialize, there must be investment, infrastructure, projects need financial resources, things that we know are far from happening” (TD9, 2020, our translation).
Such an observation denotes how much teaching work has been intensified, in which teachers need to seek to understand the "so-called" active methodologies taken by defenders of the New School, Dewey's educational theory, as a panacea, while in fact there is a disregard for historically constructed, with an emphasis on the pragmatic. The critical understanding of these two formats is fundamental, although we are living in a moment in which it is necessary to consider the use of these, but understanding that these are shown within a banking perspective, which threatens jobs, since virtual work also seeks reduce work development costs, as well as eliminate jobs, being one of the biggest attacks on teacher autonomy (Antunes, 2018).
The changes imposed throughout the teaching career, according to the research participants, are profound. Teachers reorganize all the development of their work, in order to meet the demands that are established for them, as observed in the speech of teacher TD28 “I think our work is in constant transformation, sometimes because of our qualifications, interests, desire for transformation and sometimes by impositions arising from imposed public policies” (our translation). This perception correlates with that of participant TD27, who highlights that “due to the various unnecessary changes that the government imposes” (TD27, 2020, our translation). Teachers point out important issues, highlighting the imposing participation of the State in the reorganization of the teaching career over the years, that since the progressive implementation of educational reforms in the 1990s, this new educational format has been diligently striving to build a new social subject, a new type of workers who are subjected to intensification, disqualification and precariousness of work (Previtali & Fagiani, 2014).
Still based on the notes made by the aforementioned participants, there are those who do not critically perceive the State's posture in the conduct of policies towards teaching work over the years, because for TD33, "with the technological advance, new demands were made necessary both didactic and in the methodology and in the pedagogical aspects” (our translation), and TD5 says “since I entered education to teach, several changes have taken place and all of them I consider to be beneficial” (our translation). TD6 sees the need to always reinvent himself, as does participant TD34, who says: “just as society is dynamic and undergoes changes, teaching actions also undergo changes in order to meet the socio-educational demands that arise from mutations in society”(our translation). According to TD30, “every year new changes, new alterations in the field of Education are taking place. And they must occur, must evolve”(our translation). Participant TD15 emphasizes that “there was a technological advance, we had to adapt, seek ways and still need to improve a lot to serve our students and make a difference in the path of our students” (our translation). In the same direction, participant TD35, similarly, responds that “we realize that innovation is in any segment. In a learning space where new knowledge is transmitted, it is necessary to apply a new methodology, new didactics” (our translation).
The highlights of the professors above show how much the State's discourse has been co-opting, in a veiled way, more and more adepts to this bourgeois project. They naturalize, perhaps unconsciously, what and how to teach, prioritizing the technical and practical aspects of teaching work to the detriment of an omnilateral formation, is what Bravermann (1981) considers as the reification of alienated work, which encompasses the entire social structure.
Like other research participants, TD23 and TD31 participants said that “the changes occurred gradually”; and TD23 “I have been in education for 22 years and I see many changes in the educational context, today we have a great advance on the issue of technology within schools”. TD31 reveals that “in the beginning it was all manual. Today we have the technological tools” (our transaltion).
A considerable number of participants pointed out the use of technologies as something that is present in the development of teaching work, and that the State has not provided formative and structural resources for working with these technologies. They highlighted that professionals do not have the technical conditions to handle technological resources, and that they seek to appropriate the mechanisms and tools to be used on their own, developing activities that are fragmented, routine and devoid of content (Previtali & Fagiani, 2020). for the author,
[...] employment relationships are permeated, to some extent, by the relationship with technologies. Immersed in this framework, they learn to be flexible and interactive and to always seek greater qualifications in a daily effort that, in turn, lacerates their physical and, in particular, psychic conditions, with only an immediate and superficial awareness of the structural, social and cultural imperatives, on which the new productive organization of work and its correlate (de)regulation are supported (Previtali & Fagiani, 2020, p.227, our translation).
Within the context of productive restructuring and pointed out by the aforementioned authors, there is a veiled and naturalized imposition regarding the adaptive imposition made to these workers, who seek fluidity in work relationships, with an extension of the working day.
Such issues have intensified the process of intensification of teaching work, since all the time they are meeting urgent demands. This intensification is associated with what can be called teacher malaise. In another text, we argue that “education professionals who work directly in educational institutions, especially in the classroom – effective teaching work – are the ones who suffer the greatest impacts from the guidelines imposed by the government” (Raimann & Silva Farias, 2020, p. 783, our translation). The accentuation of the exploitation and precariousness of working conditions is noticeable, since understanding new methodologies and relating them to the use of digital technologies and using them synchronously and asynchronously has caused serious damage to the physical and mental health of these professionals, which in addition to having to answer for the requirements of their formation, caused a feeling of disqualification and devaluation associated with the preparation of materials, classes to serve students who access the material via platform or via textbooks. All this has triggered high levels of stress and anxiety, associated with frustration and feelings of incapacity in the face of new technological resources.
In this context, the development of teaching work requires more than specific skills for the preparation of printed materials, video editing and very clear guidelines for self-study, but it demands a more active, creative, productive posture that goes beyond what is usual, and with the desire guided by the need to meet these “demands” beyond their formation, it has caused the impression of losing their identity to the point of questioning themselves as a teaching professional (Duarte, 2011).
Another point brought by the teacher is linked to the family's participation in the students' teaching and learning process; he misses that help. It cannot be overlooked that the challenges faced by teachers have also been encountered by parents, and it is important to assess what has interfered with the absence of this help from the family, considering the historical context of society and especially at this time, when working conditions are even more intensified for those who also sell their labor power so that they can survive, is increasingly intense and precarious.
Interviewee TD2 makes a somewhat intriguing highlight. For him, “the greatest impact” is linked to
[...] the implementation of the BNCC, and the need to adapt to it. I think there has been progress in this direction, the contents were better defined as objects of knowledge and with specific skills. This brought greater clarity in relation to what to work on, as for how to work, I see a smaller advance in relation to BNCC. There was also an improvement in relation to the specific teaching material for the area. Added to this, I notice improvement and evolution in my pedagogical practice, and activities developed, due to teaching experience and continuing education (TD2, 2020, our translation).
The curriculum organization model pointed out by the teacher, despite being presented in a veiled way, obscuring the understanding of many regarding its objective, is linked to the regulation and control of teaching work, which is presented from the intensification of the evaluation mechanism of the process. of teaching and learning, as well as the exaggerated appreciation of skills and abilities. For Freitas (2012), the issues highlighted meet the much-discussed technical rationality, seen as
[...] 'standards', or learning expectations measured in standardized tests, with an emphasis on the school's workforce management processes (process control, bonuses and punishments), anchored in the same conceptions from behaviorist psychology, strengthened by econometrics, information and systems sciences, elevated to the status of pillars of contemporary education (Freitas, 2012, p. 383, our translation).
All this has a direct implication for teachers with regard to accountability regarding the results in large-scale evaluative tests, which intensify competition and individuality between teachers and school institutions, denying their intellectuality (Shiroma, 2003). It should be noted that the issues raised are not just new determinations, but are closely linked to changes in the modus operandi of educational policies.
Still in this direction, it is important to highlight Duarte's (2006 apud Marsiglia et al., 2017) critical position on the pedagogies of learn to learn. These present a negative view regarding the transmission of knowledge, limiting it and linking it to day-to-day events. The consequence of such a perspective is to legitimize the pragmatic, as well as the superficiality present in the alienated daily life fed by capitalist “civility”. In this way, it is not up to students to understand the reality that surrounds them in order to criticize and be responsible for transforming it, but to enhance the mercantilist “competencies” required of each subject.
In the process of analyzing the subcategory “Transformation of Teaching Work”, we were able to identify contradictions that are consistent with the complex dimension of the topic in question. Teachers highlighted the changes that have taken place over the years in their work context, some point to them as beneficial, possibly due to the political understanding that one has of work, while others see how much the role of the State has changed, where it has acted in an oppressive way, controlling, making the teaching work emptied of meaning and each day more intensified.
CONCLUSION
The objective of the text was to analyze the State Reform and the implementation of the New Public Management and implications in the field of education, especially in the teaching work in the public system. We worked succinctly on the reform of the Brazilian state and the implementation of the NGP. We have seen that the restructuring of education from the 1990s onwards imposes on teaching work principles and values arising from the productive society of capital, with determinations from the private sector. Education, in this context, undergoes changes that will mean, over time, damages to both students and teachers, since economic principles begin to govern education.
The NGP had as one of its basic principles to provide an effective and efficient participation of the country in the global and modern context, seeking competitiveness. For this, it promoted the intensification of work, reduction of human resources and increase in demand. It was believed that in this way the country would be modernized, finding favorable conditions for international competition.
The research showed not only the outcry of professors in the face of increased work, pressures, coercion and individual accountability, abandonment of collective projects, but also the professor's complaint regarding the non-learning of students in the face of the reality of overcrowded classrooms, preventing classroom methodologies that reframe knowledge. The teachers make it clear that the teacher's accountability regarding the results in large-scale evaluative tests intensifies competition and individuality between teachers and school institutions.
Finally, the promises of guaranteeing better services provided by the State are not confirmed, since the main objective should be to guarantee student learning, which, however, is largely made unfeasible by the lack of investment in materials, objective working conditions to teachers.
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Notes
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Información adicional
How to cite: Raimann, A., & Oliveira, E. G. S. (2022). The new public management and implications on teaching work in the public sector. Revista Tempos e Espaços em Educação, 15(34), e17917. http://dx.doi.org/10.20952/revtee.v15i34.17917
Authors' Contributions: Raimann, A.: conception and design, acquisition of data, analysis and interpretation of data, drafting the article, critical review of important intellectual content; Oliveira, E. G. S.: conception and design, acquisition of data, analysis and interpretation of data, drafting the article, critical review of important intellectual content. All authors have read and approved the final version of the manuscript.