Our research adopted multi-sited ethnography (Marcus, 1995). Ethnography is a relevant method for affective research (Gherardi, 2019, Gherardi, 2023), and is instrumental in entrepreneurship (Johnstone, 2007). We aimed to employ an approach that could capture the subtleties and singularities of affect (Wetherell, 2012), deepening our understanding of the affective networks of cultural entrepreneurship. The definition of study objects in multi-sited ethnographies can occur, among other possibilities, by following things (Marcus, 1995). Therefore, our ethnographic study object was cultural innovations. These innovations, and consequently popular markets, were selected through interviews and documents.

As relationships and connections are a significant input of a multi-sited ethnography, the sites studied may not be addressed with the same intensity (Marcus, 1995). Therefore, this research followed three stages. The first stage focused on the Salvador market, the second on other Brazilian markets, and the third on an international market. At each stage, the research followed three phases (approximation, selection, and densification) according to the activities and sources of information (Table 1).

Table 1

Phases	Activities	Information sources
Phase 1 - Approximation	• Identifying innovations and cultural entrepreneurs. • Understanding markets as a field of cultural entrepreneurship and the creative economy. • Understanding the history of markets, organizational practices, and entrepreneurs. • Immersing in the daily life of markets: identity, symbols, and culture.	Ethnographic interviews Documents Visual and audiovisual records
Phase 2 - Selection	• Selecting cultural innovations and their respective entrepreneurs. • Performing an initial mapping of the affective networks of the cultural entrepreneurs of the markets.	Ethnographic interviews Participant observation Documents Visual and audiovisual records
Phase 3 - Densification	• Describing the affective networks of the cultural entrepreneurs of the markets. • Characterizing and detailing the affective dimension of the networks of the entrepreneurs selected in Phase 2	Ethnographic interviews Participant observation Documents Visual and audiovisual records

Note. Elaborated by the authors.

We surveyed national and international markets that met a combination of factors related to their relevance and convenience to select the popular markets that made up our empirical field. In Brazil, we chose three markets based on the following criteria: (a) the existence of cultural innovations, (b) identification of the respective cultural entrepreneurs, (c) permission to accompany the entrepreneurs, and (d) mapping of affective networks. On the basis that multi-sited ethnography is “the product of knowledge bases of varying intensities and qualities” (Marcus, 1995, p. 100), at the international level, we surveyed eight international markets and chose one. The London market followed the same selection criteria as the Brazilian markets. Of all the markets, London was viable because it agreed to provide access to ethnographic research. In other words, the selection did not follow a Eurocentric logic but a research process, opening up to several other countries and Brazilian regions. The international market is not seen in the analysis and field research as superior to the others in Brazil. It is just another market that contributes to reflexivity and estrangement, which is necessary in the analysis and interpretation for constructing explanatory theory. As a result of this process, the popular markets that were part of the field research were:

The Salvador market, the largest and most important in Bahia, which is responsible for supplying a large part of the local and regional market;

Table 2 provides information on the popular markets surveyed, the entrepreneurial organizations that make up the empirical field of research, and information on the itinerary of market visits. The visits were determined based on information about the markets’ opening hours and people’s circulation in these spaces. To maintain their anonymity, we used fictitious names to identify the entrepreneurs who participated in the research.

Table 2

Food market	Enterprise	Business description	Who	Ethnographic interviews	Visiting hours
Salvador market (BR)	Ready-made acarajé batter	Mechanization and sale of the ready-made acarajé batter	Antônio	13 visits 65 hours	Morning and afternoon
Belo Horizonte market (BR)	‘Cartonera’ publisher	Book publishing with their stories, made from cardboard and recycled materials	Berenice	9 visits 45 hours	Afternoon and night
	Integrative therapy	Gypsy card session with a therapy session	Clara
Recife market (BR)	Bar	Promotes cultural events: musical presentations, book launches	Davi	5 visits 25 hours	Morning and afternoon
London market (UK)	Store	Sells products with the market brand: books, bags, tea towels, and postcards	Elton	4 visias 20 hours	Morning and afternoon
Total of 31 visits 155 hours of observation

Note. Elaborated by the authors.

The methodological techniques used to interact with the empirical material include ethnographic interviews, participant observation, documents, and visual and audiovisual records. Ethnographic interviews (Spradley, 2016) were the primary technique adopted to collect detailed data. This type of interview reveals the meaning that participants attribute to their experiences (Spradley, 2016), considering their social context in an interactive and co-constructive process, in which the interviewer and respondents are active participants in creating knowledge (Heyl, 2001). The process of drafting up the interview roadmap was based on three main axes from studies on networks, affect, and entrepreneurship: (a) the process of creating the business, access to resources, and opportunities; (b) the relationship with the stakeholders in the networks; and (c) evaluation of the business and the market..

Ethnographic interviews were conducted with key informants, entrepreneurs, and players in the entrepreneurial networks studied. The key informants are individuals who visit and know the markets or have conducted academic research on them. The interviews aimed to gather information about the innovations developed in these environments, the history of the markets and the ventures, and the possibility of indicating other informants. We asked the respondents to describe the innovations and identify the entrepreneurs and their businesses, making it possible to choose the markets to be studied. We also conducted ethnographic interviews to collect detailed data on the entrepreneurs and their networks. We interviewed ten key informants, five entrepreneurs, and 34 stakeholders from the entrepreneurial networks.

The principal author conducted participant, face-to-face, and participatory observation (Emerson et al., 2011) in the markets to verify the affective interactions between entrepreneurs and stakeholders in the networks. The observation roadmap included information on the physical environment of the market and the enterprise, focusing on the layout of the stores, the architecture, the goods and services offered, the interactions between people, and the performance of routine activities, especially focusing on people’s gestures, behaviors, attitudes, and expressions. This approach allowed the researcher to understand and describe the impressions, sensations, emotions, and affects experienced during her interactions in the market with entrepreneurs and network stakeholders. The observational act was accompanied by notes and field diaries (Emerson et al., 2011) produced by the principal author. Keeping a field diary was essential for the researcher to record her experiences, ideas, fears, progress, and problems during the fieldwork. The diaries recorded elements inaccessible or not easily articulated through other methods (Alaszewski, 2006), interactions between people and markets, and the researcher’s self-observation.

The documents helped contextualize and complement the information on markets and innovations. Following the methodological rigor required in documentary research (Silva et al., 2020), as a search criterion, we identified documents that described the history of the markets and their characteristics and helped identify and characterize cultural innovations. Moreover, we looked for affective evidence that described the affective relationships between the markets and the people, for example, people’s impressions when visiting the market.

Once selected, the documents were classified into three categories: contextual, descriptive, and affective. This categorization was created to organize the documents according to their subject matter. The descriptive documents were used to identify, map, and characterize the innovative ventures and activities developed in the markets. Contextual documents helped gather information about the history and the markets. Affective documents helped detail the affective dimension of the markets and the relationships between people and the place. To analyze the documents (Silva et al., 2020), we transformed the data on the markets’ history into information, made inferences about the video narratives, and theoretically situated this information. This information supported the theory that emerged inductively during the research process.

The principal author made visual and audiovisual records during the visits and participant observation, which added resources to the field notes. These records included the market space (architecture, stores, location), people (consumers, vendors) and their interactions (between people, between people and space), artifacts (products and services), and entrepreneurial practices (routine buying and selling activities).

The information sources included 51 interviews and informal conversations (38.5 hours), 155 hours of observations of markets and the researcher’s impressions, more than 140 descriptive, contextual, and affective documents (films, documentaries, pages on platforms such as YouTube, interviews, posts on social media such as Facebook and Instagram, texts on informational and organizational websites such as market websites, news, and ratings), 1,236 photos and videos produced by the researchers, and field notes.

The material collected was analyzed using narrative analysis (Czarniawska, 2004). As narratives are based on affect and emotion (Hogan, 2011), this analysis allows us to go beyond a simple description of the reality observed, recognizing and reflecting on affect’s complexity, dynamism, and fluidity (Gherardi, 2019).

Narrative analysis of the material collected began during data collection. We used an inductive process of categorization (Creswell, 2014). We followed the stages of the research and their respective phases. In the approach phase, we focused on preliminary aspects, such as recognizing markets as a field of entrepreneurship and highlighting these places’ identity, symbolic and cultural aspects, and the stories of the market and the entrepreneurs. The selection phase involved identifying and describing the cultural innovations and affective networks of the markets’ cultural entrepreneurs. Finally, in the densification phase, the entrepreneurial networks and their activities were analyzed affectively, contributing to the construction of the categorization to explain the contributions of affect to the cultural entrepreneurs’ networks.

These phases were repeated at each new stage within a logic of reflexivity and theoretical refinement. Theorizing was comparatively performed in this progressive, reflexive, and inductive process. In other words, the categories created in previous stages were compared with the new narratives obtained to revise, change, or consolidate the emerging categories. This enabled us to refine the categories generated by constantly comparing and revising them. Thus, the categories were constantly modified until they were consolidated into the categories presented in the following sections: 'Cultural innovations in popular markets,' 'Affective networks that sustain cultural innovations,' and 'The affectivity of cultural entrepreneurship networks, explained by the provocation and affective elevation of the network.'.

Since in cultural entrepreneurship, cultural goods and services carry symbolic, cultural, aesthetic, and identity values, cultural innovation is sustained through the renewal of these values. These innovations represent the manifestation of new ideas that do not align with existing conventions and value criteria and are represented by symbolic, cultural, and aesthetic changes, such as in the look, feel, or smell of a good, or that include an intellectual appeal rather than focusing solely on its functionality.

An important cultural innovation was implemented in typical Bahian food in the Salvador market. The innovation occurred in a traditional element of local gastronomy, the acarajé. Acarajé is a delicacy of African origin brought to Brazil by the enslaved during colonization. Its batter is made with refried beans, onion, and salt and fried in palm oil. Due to the cultural, heritage, and historical importance of acarajé as a symbolic food that reflects an ethnic, regional, and religious identity and is part of Brazilian culture, the National Historical and Artistic Heritage Institute (IPHAN), a Brazilian government agency responsible for the preservation and dissemination of the country’s tangible and intangible heritage, recognized acarajé and the craft of baianas of acarajé (Figure 1), a profession associated with the sale of this food, as an intangible cultural asset of Brazil (Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional [IPHAN], 2007).

Figure 1 Source: Instagram - Abam Nacional: (1) acarajé; (2) frying acarajé; (3) baiana de acarajé (open access); Photo by the authors: (4) machine for washing beans; (5) electric mill for preparing ready-made batter.

Identifying acarajé as a cultural asset allows the process of innovation implemented in its preparation to be conceived as a cultural innovation. When a baiana of acarajé makes acarajé, she links symbolic, cultural, and religious aspects to its preparation (IPHAN, 2007). In Salvador market, the sale of ready-made acarajé batter causes a change in cultural and symbolic values and meanings - cultural because this change brings new interpretations and meanings to preparing this food. Before this change, the batter was prepared individually. The person who prepared the acarajé bought the black-eyed peas, soaked them, washed them, removed the skins, drained the water, and then milled the beans to make the batter (documents and interviews).

The symbolic changes are related to the social and religious aspects of preparing acarajé. With the start of the sale of ready-made acarajé batter, the process of preparing the batter became mechanized. Two entrepreneurs are responsible for creating machines to help mechanize the batter’s preparation. One of the entrepreneurs created a machine to help wash the beans, making it simpler and quicker. In contrast, another entrepreneur came up with an electric mill, which would replace the mechanical mill, making it easier to grind the beans and prepare the batter, which was then sold on the market (interviews and documents) (Figure 1).

In the Belo Horizonte market, an example of cultural innovation can be seen in the creation, publishing, production, and marketing of books. Berenice was a teacher when she started a social project, a non-profit organization (NGO) that offered Portuguese language and reading courses. The project to create a ‘cartonera publishing’ arose from this NGO to encourage and involve children in reading and writing about their community’s history. A ‘cartonera publisher’ is an alternative publishing house that uses reused cardboard and handicrafts to publish and make books independently (Figure 2). The entrepreneur took a training course to learn how to make books. Her idea was to record and transform the history of communities into texts for low-cost books that would democratize access to these works (documents and interviews).

Figure 2 Source: Photo by the aurtors.

The cartonera publishing house represents a cultural innovation because it modifies the cultural, symbolic, and aesthetic values and meanings used to make and publish books. The aesthetic changes are portrayed in the making of the books since the materials used, such as cardboard and dried leaves, to make up the book covers and the artisanal production method used, since the entrepreneur binds the books by hand, expose substantial aesthetic changes compared to the production of books by conventional publishers. The cultural changes are evidenced by the way the stories are told. One of the aims of the publishing house is to record the memories, legends, and expressions of popular culture of the communities that participate in the projects developed to create and make the books. The projects involve young people who will collect the stories, memories, and knowledge of the communities, which will result in a book being made available as a source of knowledge and research, ensuring the preservation of this knowledge. The books also express symbolic changes since consumers who buy these works identify with the stories told and the publisher’s proposal (documents, field notes, and interviews).

In the Recife market, a change in a bar’s cultural and symbolic values and meanings supports an example of cultural innovation. Davi was already a regular at the market when he decided to open his own business. The idea was for his bar to be a meeting place that praised Pernambuco culture and artistic expressions such as music, dance, theater, and literature. The change in cultural values is directly linked to the enterprise’s purpose, which is no longer to be a bar in the market but a cultural meeting point that holds cultural and artistic events, such as book launches, theater performances, events in partnership with NGOs to raise funds, soirees, poetry readings, and live music. The symbolic changes relate to the bar’s identity and cultural significance, transcending the provision of the service, generating recognition by consumers as a place that promotes Pernambuco culture and its expressions, and facilitating access to cultural products and services, such as books and music (documents, field notes, and interviews).

In the London market, cultural innovation is represented by the renewal of a store’s values that carries the market’s brand. Besides acting as an information point, the market store includes a range of merchandise bearing the market’s brand. This store is a valuable asset and strengthens its image. Values change in the symbolic, cultural, and aesthetic spheres. The renewal of cultural values is seen in the use of the market’s stories and images to build products that translate these symbologies, such as recipe books, which exploit the ingredients offered by the market’s entrepreneurs to create original recipes, blending the history of the ingredients and the market. The aesthetic changes include the intellectual appeal of these works, for example, in one of the cookbooks. The passion for food is transformed into a collection of short stories that explores a culinary journey through the histories of Britain’s favorite drinks and snacks, instigating the reader to learn about and reflect on the history of these ingredients. Furthermore, symbolic values are evoked by consumers’ feelings of belonging and identity when purchasing goods. The products in the market seek to express their identity and values, such as sustainability. For this reason, the store’s eco-bags express the market’s identity and the individual and social identity of consumers and their concern for the environment and conscious consumption (documents, field notes, and interviews).

Based on the examples presented, cultural innovations are based on building, renewing, or modifying the values, meanings, and senses of cultural goods and services. These values can be symbolic, cultural, and aesthetic and help highlight the innovations’ originality and uniqueness in the context of cultural entrepreneurship. Due to the creativity of entrepreneurs, these innovations bring about constant improvements in the designs, processes, and functionalities of cultural goods and services.

Our results confirm previous research that affirms the relevance of entrepreneurial networks for accessing resources, identifying and exploiting entrepreneurial opportunities, developing new projects, sharing risks, and building the reputation, credibility, and legitimacy of the stakeholders that make up the network (Oliveira & Davel, 2022b). However, since innovation in cultural entrepreneurship and the creative economy is based on constructing new meanings and values, we focused on the entrepreneur’s ability to mobilize the stakeholders in their network affectively. In affective networks, affect influences the formation of bonds between the stakeholders that comprise the network (Casciaro, 2014, Casciaro, 2019). These networks are characterized by bonds and interactions that lead to the sharing of something valuable and useful. They are networks in which affects are experienced and expressed in interactions.

In the Salvador market, affective networks were used by the entrepreneur to explore a new business opportunity - the sale of ready-made acarajé batter. I observed that Antônio uses his networks to exchange resources with other entrepreneurs, including information about products, suppliers, services for moving goods within the market, technology, and knowledge. Antônio is happy and enthusiastic in his interactions with entrepreneurs, always smiling and chatting amicably. In a meeting with an entrepreneur from the same street as the market, Antônio talked about the rising prices of goods, suppliers, and the difficulty in finding banana straw used in cooking recipes, which was in short supply in his store (field notes). These exchanges between the stakeholders, promoted by identifying with the organizational purposes and sharing values, including respect and honesty, result in relationships of trust and closeness between the entrepreneurs, evidenced by mutual help and Antônio’s expressed desire to help other entrepreneurs in the market whenever possible (field notes and interviews). The exchange of information and knowledge enabled the entrepreneur to acquire the machinery that made it possible to produce and then sell the ready-made acarajé batter. Recalling the start of sales of the ready-made batter in the market, Antônio told me that he was enthusiastic and believed that the bean-washing machine and the electric mill would speed up the production of the acarajé batter, facilitating and increasing its sale and, consequently, achieving the growth of his business. When we spoke, he said ready-made batter accounted for more than half of his sales (interviews).

In the Belo Horizonte market, Berenice used her emotional networks to open the physical store of the cartonera publishing house. Before the store, the entrepreneur participated in book and craft fairs and decided to open her business in the market with a friend. Networks were important for Berenice to get advice and emotional support when starting her business. Her husband and daughter were fundamental in providing her with the emotional support she needed during this process. Her friend and business partner helped her devise the project, renovate, open, and run the store. The entrepreneur expressed her gratitude for the support and was optimistic about the growth and maintenance of her business. She always expressed serenity and calm while we talked (field notes and interviews). These emotional bonds give Berenice the energy she needs and encourage her to face difficulties, continue her business, and generate social impact with her publishing house (field notes and interviews).

Davi, in the Recife market, mobilized his emotional networks to communicate the originality and authenticity of his bar. The entrepreneur used his networks as emotional support to cope with the restrictions on holding events in the market due to the pandemic. Davi was tense and stressed, reporting his dissatisfaction with the regulatory body, which vetoed the holding of events in the bar. However, in another market area, events had been approved and occurred during opening hours (field notes and interviews). When talking to friends and customers, the entrepreneur showed his concerns, asking them to complain to the competent body about the approval. These interactions sought the support and assistance of the networks to clear the events, showing commitment and validating the entrepreneur’s passion for the business (field notes and interviews).

We can see that affective networks underpin cultural innovation by playing an essential role in the interactions between stakeholders, in which they share something valuable, such as resources and knowledge. These interactions are permeated by affects and emotions, experienced and expressed as joy, satisfaction, or passion. Finally, the results of these interactions clarify why entrepreneurs interact affectively with the stakeholders in their networks.

Based on the selection of the singularities of cultural entrepreneurship (Marins & Davel, 2020), we seek to demonstrate how the affectivity of networks is decisive and fundamental in this entrepreneurial context. The first singularity is the subjective or cultural innovation of entrepreneurial work, which represents the renewal of the cultural, symbolic, and aesthetic values and meanings of cultural goods and services. The second singularity concerns the subjective value of entrepreneurial work. This value is linked to the meaning of cultural goods and services and refers to the symbolism, emotions and sensations, feelings, and perceptions of taste aroused by the cultural work. These singularities are inspired through the provocation and affective elevation of the network.