Abstract: The Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) of Chile, was a political-military organization, ideologically attached to Marxism-Leninism, but also inheritor in the political and symbolic level of the Cuban Revolution and Guevarism. The MIR was founded in August 1965, and has extensive and relevant political career. Nevertheless, the studies on the MIR are still scarce and multiple aspects associated with their insertion in the political history of Chile in the last third of the 20th century, remain unknown. In this article we analyze the historical conditions in which the Chilean MIR was formed and its contribution to the process of political radicalization that took place in Chile between 1967 and 1973. Similarly, its ability to react to the repressive violence deployed by the dictatorship from 1973 and its role in organizing popular resistance are also studied.
Keywords:Movimiento de Izquierda RevolucionariaMovimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria, Chile Chile, Unidad Popular Unidad Popular, Dictadura Dictadura.
Resumo: O Movimento de Esquerda Revolucionária (MIR), do Chile, foi uma organização político-militar, ideologicamente ligado ao marxismo-leninismo, mas também herdeira no plano político e simbólico da Revolução Cubana e do Guevarismo. O MIR foi fundado em agosto de 1965, e tem uma vasta e relevante trajetória política. No entanto, os estudos sobre o MIR ainda são escassos e múltiplos aspectos associados à sua inserção na história política do Chile no último terço do século XX, permanecem desconhecidos. Este artigo analisa as condições históricas em que o MIR chileno foi formado e sua contribuição para o processo de radicalização política que teve lugar no Chile entre 1967 e 1973. Da mesma forma, estuda-se a sua capacidade de reagir frente à violência repressiva implantada pela ditadura de 1973 e seu papel na organização da resistência popular.
Palavras-chave: Movimento de Esquerda Revolucionária, Chile, Unidade Popular, Ditadura.
Resumen: El Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR), de Chile, fue una organización político-militar, adherida ideológicamente al marxismo-leninismo, pero también heredera en el plano político y simbólico de la Revolución Cubana y del guevarismo. El MIR fue fundado en agosto de 1965, y posee una dilatada y relevante trayectoria política. No obstante ello, los estudios sobre el MIR aún son escasos y múltiples aspectos asociados a su inserción en la historia política de Chile del último tercio del siglo XX, permanecen desconocidos. En este artículo nos proponemos analizar las condiciones históricas en las cuales se formó el MIR chileno y su contribución al proceso de radicalización política que se vivió en Chile entre 1967 y 1973. De la misma manera, se estudia su capacidad de reacción frente a la violencia represiva desplegada por la dictadura a partir de 1973 y su rol en la organización de la resistencia popular.
Palabras clave: Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria, Chile, Unidad Popular, Dictadura.
Traduções
The development of the popular movement and rise of the revolutionary left in Chile (1953-1978)[1]
Received: 06 August 2015
Accepted: 20 September 2015
Changes in the economic, social, and political spheres rocked the Chilean society in the mid-20th century. The modernization process opened in the late 19th century had enabled to diversify the structure of the economy, adding to the traditional exploitation of mineral resources an ever-expanding industrial sector. However, the ballasts of the agricultural economy, connected by the latifundia, continued consisting in an obstacle strongly put into question by intellectuals, social movements, and political parties in a wide spectrum. Similarly, rural-urban migration deeply changed the structure, landscape, and social relations in the urban world. On the other hand, the crisis of the front-populist politics, which had sponsored the traditional left-wingers between 1936 and 1947, favored the emergence of class-based organizations and programmatic proposals that, in turn, encouraged the radicalization of the mass movement since the mid-1950s. Thus, by 1956, the popular field was rising and multiple small leftist organizations began to consider the need to move towards the formation of a unitary reference to represent the alternative and revolutionary proposal in Chile.
In the early 1950s the changes resulting from the process of economic modernization initiated in the late 19th century were already clear in Chile. Since 1939, the Corporación de Fomento (CORFO) had created the infrastructure necessary to deepen the country’s industrialization. In that sense, the CORFO engaged in organizing the red de centrales hidroeléctricas (ENDESA), which should provide the energy resources needed to operate the manufacturing units, while the foundations for constructing the Sistema Interconectado Central (SIC). Since the mid-1940s, the CORFO had also begun oil prospecting in the region of Magallanes, which gave birth to the Empresa Nacional del Petróleo (ENAP), in 1960. Moreover, the CORFO took responsibility to put the Huachipato steelmaking plant in operation, in 1950. The Huachipato steelmaking plant came to solve a large part of the steel requirements of the metal-mechanic industry (MELLER, 1998, 47-60).
The supports in infrastructure, equipment, financial resources, and technical advice that the State, through the CORFO, deployed in this period favored the development of the industrial sector. Particularly the light industry (food, textiles, leather, and footwear). But since the early 1950s, it is possible to see an expansion of the domestic market and a relative development of the middle classes, which led the market to get diversified, giving rise to the intermediate goods industry (white goods, automotive, electronics) and stimulating the development of the metal-mechanic industry and the construction sector.
Meanwhile, the Gran Minería del Cobre, which since the 1920s began to promote salt as the mainstay of the Chilean economy, contributed with significant resources to the State by way of taxation. Indeed, between 1952 and 1960, the State held, by way of taxation, 61% of the gross profits of the large U.S. companies that exploited Chilean copper (Kennecott Corporation and Anaconda Copper Company). This surplus was key for developing the State’s economic policy and social policy (MELLER, 1998, 33).
Considering the above, it is possible to notice a sustained growth of educational coverage, especially at primary and secondary (industrial) education, and a diversification of university education. On the other hand, the large cities in the country, Santiago, Valparaíso, Concepción, where the manufacturing and educational opportunities were concentrated, began to convene growing numbers of rural workers.